J -'7 




o 
o 

5 




A GUIDE 



TO THE STUDY OF 



THE HISTORY AND THE CONSTITUTION 
OF THE UNITED STATES. 



WILLIAM W: RUPERT, C.E.,-# 

Principal Bots' High School, Pottstown, Pa. 



-.h.^ 



3>«4 




CO 



BOSTON: 

PUBLISHED BY GINN & COMPANY, 

1888. ^ ^ 



If 

as 



~J 







Entered according to Act of (^ngreaa^in the year 188c5, by 
in the Office of the Librarian wjCoagtesa, at VVaabin^ou. 



Typography by J. S. Cushing & Co., Boston. 



Presswork by Ginn & Co., Boston. 



I DEDICATE THIS BOOK 
TO MY FRIEND 

|H. ^. 3Lvtcl}artis, (!Fsq„ 

TO WHOM I AM INDEBTED FOR MANY 
VALUABLE SUGGESTIONS. 



-J 



PREFACE. 



The object of this book is to aid the teacher in impart- 
ing, and to guide the student in acquiring, a knowledge 
of the history and the Constitution of the United States. 
It is designed to be used as a supplementary work in 
connection with any text-book on United States history. 
Young persons are incapable of distinguishing between 
important and unimportant historical facts. It is there- 
fore the teacher's duty so to direct the student's work 
that his energies may be employed upon those things 
that are most worthy of his attention. 

It is plain that the topical method of teaching history 
is best adapted to this end; but when this method is 
adopted, a supplementary work containing the topics is 
needed. But even after the pupil has an important 
topic assigned, he may, through misdirected effort, waste 
much time in considering it. For the purpose of offering 
him some assistance, the topics in the first part of this 
book are subdivided. As soon as students have learned 
how to study topics intelligently, these subdivisions are 
unnecessary, and they are therefore omitted in the greater 



^J 



6 PREFACE. 

part of this work. Neither the topics nor their subdi- 
visions are to be committed to memory. They are in- 
tended simply to guide the pupil in the right direction. 
The teaching of history offers an excellent opportunity 
for interesting pupils in good, wholesome literature. 
There are hundreds of choice books that would captivate 
our boys and girls if they were only made acquainted 
with them. To introduce them to a few of these is one 
object of this book. This is accomplished by naming, 
in immediate connection with the topics, a large number 
of books that throw light upon and add interest to the 
subjects considered. Every school should have a refer- 
ence library for the use of the pupils attending it. It 
is not expected that any school will buy all the books 
named in this work ; but even if a few volumes are pur- 
chased, much good will be done. 

A large part of this work is devoted to explanations 
of the more difficult parts of the Constitution of the 
United States. If the Constitution is simply memorized, 
much time is wasted, and very little is accomplished. 
All text-books on United States history contain the Con- 
stitution, but none explain it. When the student enters 
upon the study of this subject (and it should receive his 
attention immediately after he has studied the Revolu- 
tion), he should have at his command easily understood 
explanations of all those provisions that he cannot be 
expected to understand without assistance. No explana- 



PREFACE. 7 

tions of the simpler provisions are offered, because they 
would deprive the student of the benefits that may be 
derived from careful, independent study. 

Matter admitting of presentation in tabular form has 
been collected in an appendix. Here will also be found 
a short list of books adapted to the pui-pose of supple- 
mentary reading on history, and some interesting and 
valuable historical information not always readily acces- 
sible to the student. 

PoTTSTOWN, Pa., May, 1888. 



SUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS. 



Some topics that teachers may desire to discuss with 
their pupils are not given in this book. It is believed, 
however, that the omitted subjects will be found of such 
a character that all necessary information regarding them 
may be obtained by having the history class converted, 
for a short time, into a reading class. Much history 
should be merely read. Intelligent reading is worth 
infinitely more than passive, thoughtless memorizing. 
The teacher will find that many of the topics, embracing 
a number of related facts, will furnish material for sev- 
eral recitations. In other cases, a number of topics may 
be required for one lesson. 



NOTE. 



The prices named in this book are for cloth binding. 
Since the prices of books change, and discounts are 
frequently made, the figures given here may occasionally 
be too high. 

The author's object has been accomplished if he has 
indicated approximately the cost of the books named. 



PERIOD 1. 

DISCOVERERS AND DISCOVERIES (986-1607). 

1. The Norsemen. 

1. Their character. 

2. Their discoveries. 

3. Why their discoveries were of little value. 

2. Columbus. 

1. Birth. 

2. Education and character. 

3. Efforts to obtain aid. 

4. Voyages. 

5. Why the New World was not named after him. 

6. His death. 

The Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus. 
3 vols. By Washington Irving. G. P. Putnam's 
Sons, N.Y. $1.00 per vol. 

3. The Indians. 

1. Why so called. 

2. Origin. 

3. Language. 

4. Personal appearance. 

5. Manners and customs. 

The Conspiracy of Pontiac. 2 vols. 
The Oregon Trail. By Erancis Parkman. Little, 
Brown, & Co., Boston. $2.50 per vol. 



12 DISCOVERERS AND DISCOVERIES. 

Indian History for Young Folks. By Francis S. 
Drake. Illustrated. Harper & Bros., N.Y. $2.75. 

4. Magellan (Portuguese under the Spanish flag). 

1. Efforts to obtain aid. 

2. His voyp.ge. 

5. De Ay lion (Spaniard). 

1. Voyages. 

2. His treatment of the Indians. 

3. Eesult of this treatment. 

6. De Soto (Spaniard). 

1. Exploration of Floiida. 

2. Discovery of the Mississippi. 

3. His death. 

7. Melendez (Spaniard). 

1. His character. 

2. Attempt to plant a colony in Florida. 

3. Treatment of the Huguenots. 

4. The character of his king, Philip II. 

The Frexch ix America. 

8. Verrazzani. 

1. Object of his voyage. 

2. Extent of his explorations. 

9. Cartier. 

1. Objects in view. 

2. Results. 

10. De Monts. 

1. Extent of country controlled by him. 

2. First permanent French settlement in America. 



DISCOVEREllS AKD DISCOVERIES. 13 

11. Champlain. 

1. His object in coming to America. 

2. Founding Quebec. 
,3. Lake Chamx)lain. 

The Pioneers of Erance in the New World. By 
Francis Parkman. Little, Brown, & Co., Boston. 
$2.50. 

Contains much valuable and interesting information relating 
to the seven last-named explorers. 
The Making of the Great West. By Samuel Adams 

Drake. Illustrated. Charles Scribner's Sons, N.Y, 

$1.50. 

The English ix America. 

12. The Cabots. 

1. Character of the men. 

2. Objects of their voyages. 

3. Extent of their explorations. 

4. Value of their services to England. 
1,3. Martin Frobisher. 

1. Object of his voyages. 

2. His discoveries. 

14. Sir Francis Drake. 

1. Searching for the North-west passage. 

Voyages and Adventures of Drake the Sea King 

By G. M. Towle. Illustrated. Lee & Shepard, 

Boston. $1.25. 

15. Sir Humphrey Gilbert. 

1. His x^lan of colonization. 

2. Character of his patent. 

3. Causes of failure. 



14 DISCOVERERS AND DISCOVERIES. 

16. Sir Walter Ealeigh. 

1. Extent and position of territory covered by his 

patent. 

2. His object. 

3. Causes of failure. 

Exploits and Voyages of Ealeigh. By G. M. Towle. 
Illustrated. Lee & Shepard, Boston. $1.25. 

17. London Company (patent issued by James I.). 

1. Character of men composing it. 

2. Extent of their grant. 

3. Peculiar form of government under the first 

charter. 

4. Jamestown founded. 

18. The Pilgrims. 

1. Their origin. 

2. Preparations for leaving home. 

3. The voyage. 

4. Privations and disease. 

Landing of the Pilgrim Fathers (poem). By Mrs. 
Hemans. 

Pilgrims and Puritans. By Miss N. Moore. Illus- 
trated. Ginn & Co., Boston. 60 cents. 

The Making of New England. By Samuel Adams 
Drake. Illustrated. Charles Scribner's Sons, 
KY. $1.50. 

The Dutch in America. 

19. Dutch explorers. 

1. Henry Hudson. 

2. Object of his voyages. 



DISCOYEKEKS AND DISCOVERIES. 15 

S. Other explorers. 

4. Eesult of these explorations. 

History of New York. By Hon. Ellis H. Roberts. 

2 vols. Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., Boston. |1.25 

per vol. 



PERIOD IL 



COLONIAL HISTORY (1607-1775). 



20. Captain John Smith. 

1. His character. 

2. Exploits. 

3. Value of his work at Jamestown. 

4. Difficulties encountered. 

5. Incidents. 

Young Folks' Book of American Explorers. By 
T. W. Higginson. Illustrated. Lee & Shepard, 
Boston. $1.50. 

21. Pocahontas. 

1. Her marriage. 

2. Visit to England. 

3. Her descendants. 

22. Introduction of Slavery. 

1. When. 

2. By whom. 

23. Charles I. 

1. Relations with the colonists. 

2. Character. 

3. Execution. 



COLONIAL HISTORY. 1'^ 

Leading Facts of Euglisli History. By D. H. Mont- 
gomery. Ginn & Co., Boston. $1.12. 
The history of the United States cannot be understood with- 
out a knowledge of contemporaneous English history. The stu- 
dent will find this book very interesting and helpful. 

24. Cromwell. 

1. Elevation to power. 

2. Character. 

3. Attitnde towards the colonists. 

Life of Oliver Cromwell. By Henry William Her- 
bert. Porter & Coates, Phila. 35 cents. 

25. Charles II. 

1. " The Restoration." 

2. His character. 

3. His treatment of the colonists. 

26. Bacon's Eebellion. 

1. Canses. 

2. Conseqnences. 

A Short History of the English Colonies. By Henry 
C. Lodge. Harper & Brothers, N.Y. $3.00. 

27. Miles Standish. 

1. Character. 

2. His army. 

The Courtship of Miles Standish. By H. W. Long- 
fellow. 

28. Roger Williams. 

1. Cause of his banishment from Massachusetts. 

2. Character and education. 

3. His work in America. 



18 COLONIAL HISTORY. 

29. Harvard College. 

1. Its origin. 

2. John Harvard. 

30. The Quakers in Massachusetts. 
1. Their treatment. 

31. King Philip's War. 

1. Causes. 

2. Results. 

At this point the student can, with great profit, read Edward 
Eggleston's series of articles relating to colonial life. These arti- 
cles are all illustrated : Social Conditions in the Colonies, Cen- 
tury Magazine for October, 1884; The Colonists at Home, Century- 
Magazine for April, 1885; Social Life in the Colonies, Century 
Magazine for July, 1885. 

32. Sir Edmund Andros. 

1. His tyranny. 

2. The " Charter Oak." 

3. His overthrow. 

33. James II. 

1. His character. 

2. The English Revolution of 1688. 

Macaulay's History of England, in five volumes and good 
print, can be bought in any good bookstore for one dollar and 
sixty-five cents! Who would be without it? Young people, how- 
ever, should be told that Macaulay's treatment of William Penn 
is grossly abusive and untrue. 

34. King William's War. 

1. Causes. 

2. Character of the war in the colonies. 

3. Treaty of Ryswick. 

35. Witchcraft. 
1. Definition. 



COLONIAL HISTORY. 19 



2. Character of the accusers and the accused. 

3. Fate of those pronounced guilty. 

Old Times in the Colonies. By C. C. Coffin. 
Harper and Brothers, N.Y. ^3.00. 
3G. Queen Anne's War (War of the Spanish Succession) 

1. Cause. 

2. Capture of Port Koyal. 

3. Treaty of Utrecht. 

37. King George's War (War of the Austrian Succession) 

1. Cause. 

2. Capture of Louisburg. 

3. Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. 

38. Settlement of New York. 

1. Manhattan. 

2. Kieft. 

3. Stuyvesant. 

4. Dutch conquered by the English. 
Knickerbocker's History of New York. By Washing 

ton Irving. CI. P. Putnam's Sons, N.Y. $1.75. 

39. The Swedes in America. 

1. Design of Gustavus Adolphus. 

2. Territory occupied by them. 

40. Pequod War. 

1. Cause. 

2. Pequods destroyed. 

History of Connecticut. By Alexander Johnston 
Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., Boston. $1.25. 

41. Yale College. 
1. Pounding. 



2. Origin of name. 



20 COLONIAL HISTORY. 

42. Settlement of New Jersey. 

1. Berkeley and Carteret, 

2. Character of the government under them. 

3. Division of the Province. 

43. Settlement of Pennsylvania. 

1. William Penn. 

2. His grant. 

3. Penn's object in coming to America. 

4. Form and character of Penn's government. 

5. Treatment of the Indians. 

6. Philadelphia founded (1683). 

7. Secession of Delaware. 

Life of William Penn. By Jenney. Priends' Book 

Association, Phila. $1.00. 
History of Pennsylvania (in preparation). By Hon. 

Wayne McVeagh. Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., 

Boston, fl.25. 

44. Maryland — Settlement. 

1. Sir George Calvert (Lord Baltimore). 

2. His object in coming to America. 

3. His successor. 

4. Conflict with Clayborne. 

5. Conflicts between Catholics and Protestants. 

45. North Carolina — Settlement. 

1. Causes of discontent with the government. 

2. Conflicts with the Indians. 

46. South Carolina — Settlement. 

1. Slavery introduced. 

2. Difficulties with the Indians. 

3. Character of the settlers. 



COLONIAL HISTORY. 21 

47. Georgia — Settlement. 

1. Oglethorpe. 

2. His object in coming to America. 

3. His treatment of the Indians. 

4. Conflicts with the Spaniards. 

5. Character of the settlers. 

48. French and Indian War (17o4-176.3). 

1. Causes. 

2. Remote. 

3. Immediate. 

49. Washington's visit to General St. Pierre. 

1. Object. 

2. Difficulties encountered. 

3. Result. 

Washington and His Country. By John Fiske. 

Ginn & Co., Boston. 75 cents. 

This is Irving's " Life of Washington " abridged for the use 
of schools, with introduction and continuation, giving a brief 
outline of United States history from the discovery of America to 
the end of the Civil War. 

50. Fort Necessity. 

1. Location. 

2. Attack upon Jumonville. 

3. AVashington attacked by De Villiers. 
Washington and His Country. 

51. Braddock's Campaign. 

1. Braddock and his aid-de-camp. 

2. Object of the campaign. 

3. Defeat. 

4. Retreat. 



22 COLONIAL HISTORY. 

Life of Washington. 

52. Ruin of Acadia. 

1. The conquest. 

2. Inhabitants banished. 

3. Country laid waste. 
Longfellow's Evangeline. 

Montcalm and Wolf. 2 vols. By Francis Parkman. 
Little, Brown, & Co., Boston. $2.o() per vol. 

A most attractive work. Covers the whole period of the 
• French and Indian War. 

Bancroft's History of the United States. vols. 
By George Bancroft. I). Appleton & Co., IST.Y. 
$2.50 per vol. 

53. General William Johnson's Campaign (1755). 

1. Object. 

2. Pvesults. 

" Montcalm and Wolf." 

54. Expedition against Louisburg (1758). 

1. Location of Louisburg. 

2. Capture. 

55. Expedition against Ticonderoga (1758). 

1. Location of Ticonderoga. 

2. The attack. 

56. Expedition against Fort du Quesne (1758). 

1. Commander of the expedition. 

2. (Capture of the Fort. 

" Montcalm and Wolf " contains a lengthy and remarkably 
interesting account of this expedition. Parkman gives consid- 
erable space to the manner in which Major Grant's forces were 
led into ambush. 



COLONIAL HISTORY. 23 



57. Capture of Fort Niagara (1759). 

1. Location of the Fort. 

2. The siege. 

58. Capture of Quebec (1759). 

1. Careful study of a good map. 

2. Character of Wolf. 

3. Character of Montcalm. 

4. Montmorenci. 

5. Plains of Abraham. 

6. The fight. 

Parkman's " Montcalm and Wolf." 

59. Treaty of Peace (1763). 

1. Where made. 

2. Conditions. 



PERIOD III. 



REVOLUTION AND CONFEDERATION (1775-1789). 



For information in addition to that furnished by the 
text-bookj concerning the events of Hhis period, the stu- 
dent is referred to the following works : — 
Bancroft's History of the United States. 
Battles of the Revolution. By H. B. Carrington. 

A. S. Barnes & Co., N.Y. $6.00. 
The Boys of '76. By C. C. Coffin. Illustrated. 

Harper & Bros., N.Y. f 3.00. 
Irving's Life of Washington. 
Diplomacy of the Revolution. By W. H. Trescot. 

D. Appleton & Co., N.Y. 75 cents. 
Life of Benjamin Franklin written by himself, with 

notes and a continuation of his life to his death 

in 1790. By D. H. Montgomery. Illustrated. 

Ginn & Co., Boston. 1888. 40 cents. 

60. Causes of the Revolution. 
L General. 
1. Arbitrary government. 
II. Particular. 

1. Influence of France. 

2. Disposition of the colonists. 



REVOLUTION AND CONFEDERATION. 25 

3. Character of George III. 

4. Importation Act. 

5. Stamp Act. 

Life of Patrick Henry. By Moses Coit Tyler. 
Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., Boston. $1.25. 

6. Boston Massacre. 

7. Boston Tea Party. 

8. Boston Port Bill. 

Historical View of the American Bevolution. By 
George W. Greene. Hurd & Houghton, N.Y. 
$1.50. A book of great value. The first thirty- 
two pages are devoted to a discussion of the causes 
of the Revolution. 

61. Efforts to avert war. 

1. Moderation of Continental Congress. 

2. Franklin's efforts. 

3. Attitude of William Pitt. 

62. Battle of Lexington (1775). 

1. Location of Lexington and Concord. 

2. Object of British. 

3. Paul Revere. 

4. Peculiar nature of the fight. 

5. Results. 

Lionel Lincoln. By James Fenimore Cooper. 

Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., Boston.' f 1.00. 
Paul Revere's Ride (poem). By H. W. Longfellow. 

o3. Capture of Ticonderoga (1775). 

1. Ethan Allen. 

2. Benedict Arnold. 



26 liEVOLUTION AND CONFEDERATION. 

0. The capture. 

4. Importance of the military stores. 
04. Battle of Bunker Hill (1775). 

1. Draw a map of the battle-ground and vicinity. 

2. Commanders. 

3. Object in fortifying Breed's Hill. 

4. The hglit. 

5. Result. 

The map should be placed upon the blackboard by some 
pupil, before the class is called to recitation. When studying 
history, good maps should ahvays be at the command of the 
student. 

Life of Joseph Warren. Sparks' American Biog- 
raphy. Vol. X. Harper & Bros., N.Y. f 1.25. 

65. George Washington. 

1. Birth. 

2. Education. 

3. Character. 

4. Made commander-in-chief. 

It is now time for the student to study the topics without the 
aid of an outline. He should be able, without assistance, to seize 
upon the essential points of the matter under discussion. 

66. Montreal captured (1775). 

67. Attack upon Quebec (1775). 

Life of Eichard Montgomery. Sparks' American 
Biography. Vol. I. Harper & Bros., N.Y. 
fl.25. 

68. Siege of Boston (1776). 

69. Attempt to capture Charleston (1776). 

70. The Hessians. 



EEVOLUTION AND CONFEDERATION. 27 

71. Declaration of Independence (July 4th, 177G). 

72. Ikittle of Long Island (1776). 
7o. Capture of General Lee (1776). 

74. Battle of Trenton (1776). 

75. l^attle of Princeton (1777). 

76. Capture of General Prescott (1777). 

77. Burgoyne's campaign, including his surrender (1777). 

78. Campaign of Cornwallis and Howe ; including the 

battle of Brandywine, the occupation of Phila- 
delphia, and the battle of Germantown (1777). 

An important relation exists between these eamijaigns. The 
student shoiild not fail to detect it. 

79. Valley Forge (1777-1778). 

80. Alliance Avith France (1778). 

Life of Benjamin Franklin. By D. H. Montgomery. 
Illustrated. Ginn & Co., Boston. 1888. 40 
cents. 

81. Battle of Monmouth (1778). 

82. Wyoming Massacre (1778). 

83. Cherry Valley Massacre (1778). 

84. Capture of Savannah (1778). 

85. Capture of Stony Point (1779). 

Daring Deeds of American Heroes. By J. 0. Bray- 
man. Porter & Coates, Phila. 35 cents. 

86. Attack upon Savannah (1779). 

87. Exploits of Paul Jones (1779). 

Life of Paul Jones. I'.y Abbott. Dodd & Mead, 
KY. S1.50. 



28 REVOLUTION AND CONFEDERATION. 

88. Capture of Charleston (1780) 

89. Thomas Sumter. 

90. Francis Marion. 

Life of General Marion. By Hartley. J. E. Potter 

& Co., Phila. $1.75. 
Song of Marion's Men. By W. C. Bryant. 

91. Battle of King's Mountain. 

The Rear-guard of the Revolution. By Edmund 
Kirke. D. Aijpleton & Co., N.Y. $1.50. 

92. Arnold's treason and subsequent career. 

The Life and Treason of Benedict Arnold. Sparks' 
American Biography. Vol. III. Harper & Bros., 
N.Y. $1.25. 

93. Condition of the army in the spring of 1781. 

94. Battle of the Cowpens. 

The Hero of Cowpens. By Bebecca McConkey. 
Funk & Wagnalls, N.Y. $1.00. 

95. Colonel Isaac Hayne. 

Romance of the Revolution. By Oliver B. Bunce. 
Porter & Coates, Phila. 35 cents. 

96. Surrender of Cornwallis (Oct. 19, 1781). 

97. The treaty of 1783. 

98. Shay's Rebellion. 

99. Character of the government under the Confedera- 

tion.^ 

100. Formation and adoption of the Constitution. 

^ See Introduction to the Constitution. 



REVOLUTION AND CONFEDERATION. 29 

History of the Formation of the Constitution of the 

United States of America. By George Bancroft. 

2 vols. D. Appleton & Co., K.Y. $2.50 per vol. 

For teachers and advanced pupils. 
Principles and Acts of the Kevolution. By H. Niles. 

A. S. Barnes & Co., K.Y. $3.00. 



PERIOD IV. 



NATIONAL PERIOD (1789-Present Time). 



Washington's Administration (1789-1797). 

101. Inauguration of George Wasliington (April 30th, 

1789). 
History of the People of the United States. By 
J. B. McMaster. D. Appleton & Co., X.Y. $2.50 
per vol. 

Two volumes published ; gives special attention to social 
history. 

Building of the Nation. By C. C. Coffin. Pro- 
fusely illustrated. Harper & Bros., N.Y. $3.00. 
Every boy should have this book. 

Triumphant Democracy. By Andrew Carnegie. 
Charles Scribner's Sons, N.Y. $1.50. 
A book that every citizen of the Republic should read. 

102. Washington's Cabinet. 

103. Hamilton's financial schemes. 

Life of Alexander Hamilton. By H. C. Lodge. 
Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., N.Y. $1.25. 

104. War with the Miami Indians. 

105. New States admitted. 



NATIONAL PERIOD. 31 

Life of Daniel Boone. By Bogart. Lee & Shepard, 

Boston. 1^1.25. 
Life of Daniel Boone. By E. S. Ellis. Porter & 

Coates, Phila. 35 cents. 

106. Difficulties with France. 

107. Whiskey Insurrection. 

108. Trouble with Great Britain. 

109. Difficulty with the Dey of Algiers. 

110. Issue upon which Adams was elected. 

Adams' Administration (1797-1801). 

111. John Adams. 

Life of John Adams. By J. Q. & C. F. Adams. 
J. B. Lippincott & Co., Phila. $2.00. 

112. Trouble with France. 

113. Preparations for war. 

114. Napoleon Bonaparte. 

Life of Xapoleon I. By Hazlett. 3 vols. J. B, 
Lippincott & Co., Phila. $1.50 per vol. 

Life of Napoleon I. By M. A. Arnault. Porter & 
Coates, Phila. 35 cents. 

115. Death of Washington. 

116. Alien and Sedition Laws. 

Jefferson's Administration (1801-1809). 

117. Thomas Jefferson. 

Life of Thomas Jefferson. By J. T. Morse. Hough- 
ton, Mifflin, & Co., N.Y. $1.25. 

118. Purchase of Louisiana. 



32 NATIONAL PERIOD. 

119. Mediterranean pirates. 

120. Duel between Hamilton and Burr. 

Life of Aaron Burr. By Davis. 2 vols. Harper 

& Bros., :N^.Y. $2.00 per vol. 
Life of Aaron Burr. By James Part on. 2 vols. 

Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., N.Y. $2.00 per vol. 

121. Captains Lewis and Clarke. 

Lewis and Clarke. Travels in the Eocky Mountains. 
2 vols. Harper & Bros., N.Y. 75 cents per vol. 

122. Burr's treasonable scheme. 

123. Kobert Fulton. 

Life of Eobert Fulton. By Thomas W. Knox. 
Illustrated. G. P. Putnam's Sons, N.Y. $1.75. 

Madison's Administration (1809-1817). 

124. James Madison. 

Life of James Madison. By S. H. Gay. Houghton, 
Mifflin, & Co., N.Y. $1.25. 

125. Causes of the War of 1812. 

Field Book of the War of 1812. By Lossing. Illus- 
trated. Harper & Bros., N.Y. $7.00. 

History of the War of 1812. By R. Johnson. 
Dodd, Mead, & Co. $1.25. 

126. Tecumtha. 

127. Hull's surrender. 

128. Battle of Queenstown. 

129. Perry's victory (1813). 

Life of Commodore Perry. By Mackenzie. 2 vols. 
Harper & Bros., N.Y. 75 cents per vol. 



NATIONAL PERIOD. 33 

The Naval War of 1812. By T. Roosevelt. G. P. 
Putnam's Sons, N.Y. $2.50. 

130. Creek Indians. 

131. Chesapeake and Shannon. 

132. Battle of Niagara (Lundy's Lane) (1814). 

133. Capture of Washington (1814). 

134. Baltimore besieged. 

135. Hartford Convention. 

136. Treaty of peace (Dec. 24, 1814). 

137. Battle of New Orleans (Jan. 8, 1815). 

This battle was fought after the treaty of peace had been 
signed. Why? 

To the Memory of Gen. Sir Edward Pakenham 

(Poem). By Mrs. Hemans. 

Monroe's Admixistratiox (1817-1825). 

138. James Monroe. 

Life of James Monroe. By D. C. Gilman. Hough- 
ton, Mifflin, & Co., KY. $1.2.5. 

139. The Seminoles and General Jackson. 

140. Florida purchased. 

141. Missouri Compromise. 

Thirty Years in the United States Senate. 2 vols. 
By T. H. Benton. D. Appleton & Co., KY. 
$3.00 per vol. 
Covers the period from 1821 to 1851. 

142. Monroe Doctrine. 

143. La Fayette's visit. 



34 NATIONAL PERIOD. 

J. Q. Adams' Administkatiox (1825-1829). 

144. J. Q. Adams. 

Life of J. Q. Adams. By J. T. Morse. Houghton, 
Mifflin, & Co., N.Y. $1.25. 

145. Georgia and the Creek lands. 

146. Death of Adams and Jefferson. 

Jackson's Admixistratiox (1829-1837). 

147. Andrew Jackson. 

Life of Andrew Jackson. 3 vols. By James Par- 
ton. Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., N.Y. $2.00 per 
vol. 

Life of Andrew Jackson. By Walker. J. E. Pot- 
ter & Co., Phila. $1.75. 

Life of Andrew Jackson. By John S. Jenkins. 
Porter & Coates, Phila. 35 cents. 

148. Nullification. 

Life of Daniel Webster. By G. T. Curtis. 2 vols. 

D. Appleton & Co., N.Y. $2.00 per vol. 
Life of Daniel Webster. By Lodge. 
Life of J. C. Calhoun. By Von Hoist. Houghton, 

Mifflin, & Co., N.Y. $1.25 each. 
Life of Daniel Webster. By B. F. Teft. Porter & 

Coates, Phila. 35 cents. 

149. Black Hawk. 

150. Organization of Indian Territory. 

151. Osceola. 



NATIONAL PERIOD. 35 

Van Buren's Administration (1837-1841). 

152. Financial Panic. 

The study of the causes of this panic will, of course, carry 
the student out of Van Buren's administration. 

153. Canadian Eevolt. 

Administrations of Harrison and Tyler (1841-1845). 

154. Character and education of Harrison and Tyler. 
Life of William H. Harrison. By H. Montgomery. 

Porter & Coates, Phila. 35 cents. 

155. Harrison's death, and the consequences growing out 

of it. 

156. Webster-Ashburton Treaty. 

157. Dorr Eebellion. 

158. The Mormons. 

Origin, Rise, and Progress of Mormonism. By 
Tucker. D. Appleton & Co., N.Y. .'$1.25. 

159. The magnetic telegraph. 

Life of S. P. B. Morse. By Prime. D. Appleton 
& Co., N.Y. $5.00. 

160. Causes of the Mexican War. 

Polk's Administration (1845-1849). 

161. Battle of Palo Alto (1846). 

Mexican War. By Mansfield. A. S. Barnes & Co., 

N.Y. $1.50. 

A very interesting account of this battle and of others, also 
a discussion of the causes of the Mexican War, will be found m 
Vol. I. of Grant's Memoirs. 



36 NATIONAL PERIOD. 

162. Kesaca de la Palma. 

163. Organization of the army. 

164. Monterey captured. 

165. General Kearney's march to the Pacific. 

166. California subdued. 

167. Buena Vista. 

168. Capture of Vera Cruz. 

169. March upon the capital. 

170. Capture of the city of Mexico. 

Life of General Scott. By Mansfield. A. S. Barnes 
& Co., N.Y. f 1.75. 

171. Treaty of peace (1848). 

172. The Wilmot Proviso. 

173. Gold discovered in California (1848). 

Administrations of Taylor and Filmore (1849-1853). 

174. General Taylor. 

Life of General Taylor. By H. Montgomery. Por- 
ter & Coates, Phila. 35 cents. 

175. Admission of California to the UnioUp 

176. Omnibus Bill. 

Life of Henry Clay. By Smucker. J. E. Potter 

& Co., Phila. $1.75. 
Life of Henry Clay. By Epes Sargent and Horace 

Greeley. Porter & Coates, Phila. 35 cents. 

Pierce's Administration (1853-1857). 

177. Franklin Pierce. 



NATIONAL PERIOD. 37 

178. Pacific Kailroad. 

179. The Gadsden Purchase. 

180. Treaty with Japan. 

181. The Kansas-Nebraska Bill. 

Life of Charles Sumner. By J. and J. I). Chap- 
lin. D. Lothrop Company, Boston. Illustrated. 
$1.50. 

182. Civil war in Kansas. 

183. Candidates and the issue in the Presidential election 

of 1856. 

Buchanan's Administration (1857-1861). 

184. James Buchanan. 

185. Difficulties with the Mormons. 

186. The Atlantic Cable. 

187. Dred Scott Decision. 

188. John Brown. 

Kecollections of the John Brown Eaid. By Alex- 
ander Boteler and Frank B. Sanborn. Century 
Magazine for July, 1883. 

189. Presidential canvass of 1860. 

190. Secession. 

Lincoln's Administration and the Civil War 
(1861-1865). 

191. Abraham Lincoln. 

Life of Abraham Lincoln. By Arnold. Jansen, 
McClurg & Co., Chicago. $2.50. 



38 NATIONAL PERIOD. 

Life of Abraham Lincoln. By W. 0. Stoddard, 
Forbs, Howard, & Hulbert, N.Y. $2.75. 

The life of Abraham Lincoln, written by J. G. Nicolay and 
John Hay, is now (1887) being published by the Century Co. 
The first article will be found in the Century for November, 1886. 

The following are a few of the many good books 
that can be used to great advantage, by classes or 
private students, while studying the history of the 
Civil War. 

Appleton's History of the Eebellion. $4.00. 

History of the American Conflict. By Greeley. 
2 vols. Subscription book, published at Hartford, 
Conn. $5.00 per vol. 

Harper's Pictorial History of the Rebellion. 
2 vols. $6.00 per vol. 

My Days and Nights on the Battle-field. By C. 
C. Coffin. Estes & Lauriat, Boston. $1.50. 

The Boys of '61 ; or. Four Years of Fighting. 
By C. C. Coffin. Estes & Lauriat, Boston. $2.50. 

History of the Civil War. By Comte de Paris. 
Not yet completed. 4 vols, published. Porter & 
Coates, Phila. $3.50 per vol. 

Campaigns of the Civil War. Charles Scrib- 
ner's Sons, N.Y. $1.00 per vol. 

The Outbreak of the Rebellion. J. G. Nicolay. 

From Fort Henry to Corinth. M. F. Force. 

The Peninsula. A. S. Webb. 

The Army under Pope. J. C. Ropes. 

The Antietam and Fredericksburg. J. W. Palfrey. 

Chancellorsville and Gettysburg. A. Doubleday. 



NATIONAL PERIOD. 39 

The Army of the Cumberland. H. M. Cist. 

The Mississippi. F. V. Greene. 

The Campaign of Atlanta. J. D. Cox. 

The March to the Sea. J. D. Cox. 

The Siienandoah Valley in 1864. G. E. Pond. 

The Campaign of Grant in Virginia. A. A. Humphreys. 

The Navy in the Civil War. 

By the same house as the above, and at the same price. 
The Blockade and the Cruisers. J. R. Soley. 
The Atlantic Coast. D'Ammen. 
The Gulf and Inland Waters. A. T. Mahan. 

These books were written by men who took an active part in 
the scenes described. 

The Century Magazine articles will be given in connection 
with the topics to which they relate. The series of war articles 
in this magazine was commenced in the number for November, 
1884. Back numbers of The Century may be had by sending 
thirty-five cents to The Century Co., 33 East 17th St., New York. 
The war articles are handsomely and profusely illustrated. In 
any school they are worth much more than they cost. 

The following are subscription books. Price 
varies with style of binding. 

Twenty Years of Congress. By James G. Blaine. 

From Lincoln to Garfield. 2 vols. Henry Bill 
Publishing Co., Norwich, Conn. 

Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant. 2 vols. 
Charles L. AVebster, N.Y. 

192. Causes of the Civil War. 

193. Lincoln's Cabinet. 

194. Fort Sumter. 

The Political Conspiracies Preceding the Rebellion, 
and the True Stories of Sumter and Pickens. 



40 NATIONAL PERIOD. 

By Thomas M. Anderson. G. P. Putnam's 
Sons, N.Y. 75 cents. 

195. Kiot in Baltimore. 

190. Battle of Bull Run (July 21st, 1861). 

1. Careful study of a good map. 

2. Names, character, and education of commanders. 

3. Why so much importance is attached to this 

battle. 

4. Nature of the ground. 

5. Plan of battle. 

6. Belations of Generals Patterson and Johnstqn to 

the battle. 

7. Reasons for defeat. 

8. The retreat. 

9. Incidents. (These will add to the interest.) 

10. Effects upon the North. 

11. Effects upon the South. 

In making the above ontline, it was assumed that the student 
has access to sources of information outside of the text-book. 

Conversation with a man who fought in the battle is a valu- 
able source of information. 

The Battle of Bull Bun. By Gen. G. T. Beau- 
regard. Century Magazine for November, 1884. 

Recollections of a Private. By W. L. Goss. 
Century for November, 1884. 

These " Recollections " include the Battle of Bull Run, and, 
like all Goss's war articles, are intensely interesting. 

Incidents of the Battle of Manassas (Bull Run). 
By Gen. John D. Imboden. Century for May, 
1885. Entertaining and instructive. 



NATIONAL PEKIOD. 41 

Gen. Robert Patterson and the Battle of Bull Run. 
By his son, Robert E. Patterson. A defence of 
his father. Century for February, 1885. 

197. Organization of Confederate Government. 

198. Missouri in 1861. 

199. Ball's Bluff. 

200. The Trent Affair. 

Life of W. H. SeAvard. By F. W. Seward. D. Ap- 
pleton & Co., N.Y. $4.25. 

201. Forts Henry and Donelson (1862). 

Operations of Western Flotilla. Includes engage- 
ments at Belmont, Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, 
Island Number Ten, Fort Pillow, and Memphis. 
By Henry Walke. Century for January, 1885. 

The Capture of Fort Donelson. By Gen. Lew Wal- 
lace. Century for December, 1884. 

202. Battle of Shiloh (Pittsburg Landing) (1862). 
The Battle of Shiloh. By U. S. Grant. 

Albert Sidney Johnston and the Shiloh Campaign. 

By his son, W. P. Johnston. 
Notes of a Confederate Staff-Officer at Shiloh. By 

Thomas Jordon. 

All the above in Century for February, 1885. 

203. The Merrimac and ^Monitor. 

The First Fight of Iron Clads. By J. T. Wood. 
In the Monitor's Turret. By S. D. Green. 
Watching the Merrimac. By R. E. Colston. 
The above in Century for March, 1885. 



42 NATIONAL PERIOD. 

The Loss of the Monitor. By a survivor, T. B. 
Butts. Century for December, 1885. 

204. Capture of Forts Jackson and St. Philip (1862). 
The Opening of the Lower Mississippi. By I). D. 

Porter. 

Kew Orleans before the Capture. By G. M. Cable. 

The above in Century for April, 1885. 
Blue Jackets of 1861. A history of the navy in the 

Civil War. By W. J. Abbot. Dodd, Mead, & 

Co., KY. Illustrated. $3.00. 
General Butler in New Orleans. By James Parton. 

Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., Boston. $3.00. 

205. McClellan's Advance upon Eichmond (1862). 

1. McClellan's plans, with maps. 

2. The battles. 

Tiresome detail of these battles is not wanted. Such matter 
as the student can remember from reading interesting accounts 
of them is sufficient. 

3. The retreat. 

" The Peninsula " (before mentioned), by A. S. Webb, throws 
much light upon this campaign. 

The Peninsular Campaign. By George B. McClellan. 

Century for May, 1885. 
The Seven Days' Fighting about Eichmond. By 

Gen. James Longstreet. Century for July, 1885. 
Eecollections of a Private. Eetiring from the Chicka- 

hominy. Century for August, 1885. 
Eecollections of a Private. Up the Peninsula with 

McClellan. By W. L. Goss. Century for 

March, 1885. 



NATIONAL PERIOD. 43 

206. Lee's Advance upon Washington (1862). 

Life of Gen. R. E. Lee. By Cooke. D. Ajjpleton 
& Co., N.Y. $5.00. 

Life of Stonewall Jackson. By Randolph. J. B. 
Lippincott & Co., Phila. $2.00. 

Stonewall Jackson in Maryland. By C'ol. H. K. 
Douglass. 

Harper's Ferry and Sharpsburg. By Gen. John G. 
Walker. 

Antietam Scenes. By C. C. Coffin. 
The above in Century for June, 1886. 

From the Peninsula to Antietam. George B, 
McClellan. 

Recollections of a Private. McClellan at the Head 
of the Grand Army. By W. L. Goss. 
The above in Century for May, 188G. 

Recollections of a Private. Two Days of the Sec- 
ond Battle of Bull Run. By W. L. Goss. Cen- 
tury for January, 1886. 

The Second Battle of Bull Run. By Gen. John 
Pope. Century for January, 1886. 

In the Wake of Battle. By Maria Blunt. A 
woman's recollections of Shepherdstown during 
Antietam week. Century for July, 1886. 

Battle of South Mountain, or Boonesboro. By Gen. 
D. H. Hill. Century for May, 1886. 

207. McClellan superseded by Burnside, and the Battle 

of Fredericksburg (1862). 

208. Calls for more men. 



44 NATIONAL PERIOD. 

209. Emancipation Proclamation (Jan. 1, 1863). 
History of the Kise and Fall of the Slave Power. 

3 vols. By H. Wilson. Houghton, Mifflin, & 
Co., N.Y. $3.00 per vol. 

210. Burnside superseded by Hooker, and the Battle of 

Chancellorsville (1863). 

*' Chancellorsville and Gettysburg " (before mentioned) gives 
an excellent account of this battle. General Doubleday gives 
considerable space to the part which Stonewall Jackson took in 
the fight, and relates the circumstances under which he received 
his death wound. 

211. Vicksburg. 

The Siege of Vicksburg. By U. S. Grant. 
A Woman's Diary of the Siege of Vicksburg. 

The latter article exhibits the desperate situation of the 
citizens daring the siege. 

Both of the above, in Century, for September, 1885. 

212. Gettysburg (July 1st, 2d, 3d, 1863). 

See larger works before named. 
Battle of Gettysburg. By Comte de Paris. Porter 
& Coates, Phila. $1.20. 

213. Chattanooga besieged. 

Grant's Memoirs give the best account of the movements 
about Chattanooga. 

214. Charleston besieged (1863). 

215. Commander-in-chief of all the armies in the United 

States appointed. 

1. The Commander-in-chief. 

2. Advantages resulting from such an appointment. 

3. Campaigns planned. 

216. Sherman's campaign (1864-1865). 



NATIONAL PERIOD. 45 

Memoirs of Gen. AY. T. Sherman. By Mmself. 2 
vols. D. Appleton & Co., N.Y. $2.50 per vol. 

General Sherman. By E. V. Smalley. Century for 
January, 1884. 

217. Mobile captured (1864). 

218. Capture of Port Pisher (1865). 
219 The Alabama and other cruisers. 

Life on the Alabama. By one of the crew. P. B. 

Haywood. 
Cruise and Combats of the Alabama. By Captain 

J. M. Kell. 
The Duel between the Alabama and the Kearsarge. 

By the surgeon of the Kearsarge. Dr. J. M. 

Browne. 

Intensely interesting articles. All found in Century for 
April, 1886. 
220. Grant's campaign (1864-1865), and Early's invasion 

of Maryland and Pennsylvania. 

1. The Wilderness. 

2. Cold Harbor, 
o Pgtersburo". 

4' Early despatched by Lee to threaten Washington. 
6. Sheridan, and "Sheridan's Kide." Century for 
February, 1884. 

6. Sheridan joins Grant. 

7. Eichmond captured. 

8 Lee's surrender (April 9th, 1865). 

•^r. onH Farlv's invasion of Maryland and 
Penrv2>aTe3o:X— ea t.at we p«se. t.e. as 

one topic. 



46 NATIONAL PERIOD. 

The interdepeudeuce between Grant and Sherman, during 
the campaigns of 1864 and 1805, was such, that the defeat of the 
one would have greatly embarrassed, if not baffled, the other. 

The student should study the relation of the one campaign 
to the other. 

221. Capture of Jefferson Davis. 

The Capture of Jefferson Davis. By B. N. Harri- 
son. Century for November, 1883. 

222. The Presidential election of 1864. 

223. Assassination of President Lincoln. 

How Wilkes Booth crossed the Potomac. By Gr. A. 
Townsend. Century for April, 1884. 

224. Assault upon Secretary Seward. 

Johnson's Administration (1865-1869). 

225. Andrew Johnson. 

226. The 13th amendment to the Constitution. 

227. The Amnesty Proclamation. 

228. The war-debt. 

229. Conduct of Napoleon III. during the Civil War. 

230. Purchase of Alaska. 

231. Difficulties with reference to " Eeconstruction." 

232. President Johnson impeached. 

233. The 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution. 

Grant's Administration (1869-1877). 

234. General Grant. 

235. Pacific Eailroad. 



NATIONAL PEKIOD. 47 

236. The Santo Domingo Question. 

237. The Alabama Claims. 

238. Great fire in Chicago. 

239. Presidential election of 1872. 

Life of Horace Greeley. By James Parton. Hough- 
ton, Mifflin, & Co., Boston. $2.00. 

240. The Boston fire. 

241. The Modoc Indians. 

242. Difficulties in Louisiana. 

243. Credit Mobilier Investigation. 

244. Financial panic of 1873. 

245. The Centennial. 

246. War with the Sioux Indians. 

247. The disputed Presidency. 

Hayes' Administration (1877-1881). 

248. Rutherford B. Hayes. 

249. Railroad strike. 

250. The Nez Perce Indians. 

Administrations of Garfield and Arthur 

(1881-1885). 

251. James A. Garfield. 

Life of James A. Garfield. By E. E. Brown. Illus- 
trated. D. Lothrop & Co., Boston. $1.50. 

252. Assassination of Garfield. 

253. Chinese Immigration. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED 

STATES. 



Origin of the Constitution. — Before entering 
upon the study of the Constitution, the student will 
do well to glance at the causes which led to its 
formation. 

Although the English colonies in America Avere 
politically distinct, yet, when dangers encircled them, 
they were always ready to unite for mutual pro- 
tection. Jealousy of the rival powers which, in the 
early history of our country, established colonies here, 
sometimes gave the impulse to this collective action ; 
and the hostilities of the Indian tribes frequently 
produced the same result. When England began 
seriously to oppress her colonies, they quickly decided 
to form a union through which they might more 
effectually seek redress, or if need be, offer resist- 
ance. With these ends in view, the first Continental 
Congress, composed of delegates from twelve colo- 
nies, assembled in Carpenters' Hall, Philadelpliia, 



50 ' CONSTITUTION OF 

September 5th, 1774, and continued in session till 
October 26th of the same year. 

Many of the ablest and best men in America, all 
anxious for peace and reconciliation, were members 
of this Congress, and had England been wise, she 
would have given heed to their pleadings and 
warnings. 

They drew up A Declaration of Rights, au address 
to the people of Great Britain, and a petition to the 
King ; but, though these papers were eminently 
moderate and conciliatory, they failed to induce 
England to desist from her oppressive course. Pacific 
measures having at last been exhausted, armed resist- 
ance and bloodshed followed at Lexington on the 
ever-memorable 19th of April, 1775. But, though 
the colonists now found themselves engaged in war, 
they did not contemplate separation or independence. 
Their object was to secure those rights and privileges 
which the English Constitution secured to every 
Englishman at home, especially the right to lay their 
own taxes in their own legislative assemblies. The 
Continental Congress, even after the battle of Bunker 
Hill, declared, '' We have not raised armies with de- 
signs of separating from Great Britain and establish- 
ing independent states. Necessity has not yet driven 
us into that desperate measure." 

Washington, too, on his way to take command of 



THE UNITED STATES. 51 

the Continental army, said in reply to an address of 
the legislatnre of New York, that his sole object was 
" the re-establishment of peace and harmony between 
the mother country and the colonies." 

A second Continental Congress, provided for by 
the first, assembled in Philadelphia, May 10th, 1775. 
This was the Congress of the Revolution. The Dec- 
laration of Independence, passed by this body, July 
4th, 1776, wholly dissolved the political connection 
between England and the colonies, and made articles 
of confederation necessary. These Articles, however, 
were not ratified by the thirteen States until the 
spring of 1781. 

Before their final ratification, there was no settled 
form of government. The powers of Congress were, 
to the last degree, vague and uncertain. But even 
under the Confederation, there was no marked im- 
provement. 

Its Congress consisted of a single body chosen by 
the State legislatures. The voting was by States 
only, each State having one vote. The general gov- 
ernment had no President or other executive head, 
and no Supreme Court ; hence, it could neither 
enforce its own laws nor decide Avhat State acts were 
unconstitutional. Congress could recommend, but 
could not command. 

If the States were called upon for money, and it 



52 CONSTITITTION OF 

was needed in goodly quantities, they might grant 
it or not, as they pleased. 

There was no power to compel them to give it, or 
to do anything else. Each State was sovereign. 
The Articles of Confederation expressly declared 
this fact. "Every treaty," says Bancroft, "intro- 
duced a foreign power; but, still, Congress had no 
other means of fulfilling its treaty obligations than 
through the good-will and concurrence of each one 
of the States ; though it was the theory of the Articles 
of Confederation that the United States presented 
themselves to foreign powers as one nation." " The 
completion of the Confederation," says the same 
authority, " was the instant revelation of its insuffici- 
ency, and the summons to the people of America to 
form a better constitution." 

Though the weakness of the Confederacy was 
sufficiently apparent during the closing years of the 
Revolution, its alarming inadequacy became more 
noticeable after the declaration of peace in 1783. It 
Avas then that John Jay said, "I am uneasy and 
apprehensive, more so than during the war." When 
the pressure of immediate danger from a foreign foe 
was removed, the Confederacy seemed to be about 
to fly to pieces because of the mutually repellent 
forces of jealousy, distrust, and self-interest. The 
Federal treasury was empty, and Congress endeav- 



THE UNITED STATES. 53 



ored in vain to obtain an amount sufficient to pay 
the troops. Some of the States had made treaties 
with others without the consent of Congress. Others 
had levied taxes on all imports from neighboring 
States, while some, by their navigation laws, treated 
the citizens of other States as aliens. Many men of 
influence did not hesitate to declare that "no one 
republican government could rule harmoniously over 
so vast a country, and over such conflicting interests." 
"They hoped," says a prominent historian, "there 
would be three republics; a republic of the East, a 
republic of the middle States, and a republic of the 
South." In Massachusetts, Daniel Shay headed a 
rebellion against the collection of taxes. With all 
these facts before them, the statesmen of the times 
could not fail to perceive that more strength must 
be given to the Confederacy or the union would 
quickly come to a disgraceful end. In January, 
1786, a resolution was drafted " for the appointment 
of commissioners from Virginia and all the other 
States, to digest and report the requisite increase of 
the powers of Congress over trade, their report to be 
of no force until it should be unanimously ratihert 
by the several States." This resolution passed both 
branches of the legislature of Virginia. The com- 
missioners appointed agreed to meet at Annapolis on 
the first Monday of September. The student will 



54 CONSTITUTION OF 

see that these men were authorized simply to suggest 
some improvements relative to commercial inter- 
course. Not all the evils above enumerated, had at 
that time appeared above the political horizon, and 
the legislatures were not then prepared to grant more 
extended powers. 

Indeed, only a few States were ready to do this 
much. The commissioners who reached Annapolis, 
soon decided that nothing less than a new Federal 
Government would meet the needs of the hour. 
They therefore suggested that it would advance 
the interests of the Union, if the States which they 
represented would agree, and would use their influ- 
ence to induce the other States to agree, "to meet 
at Philadelphia on the second Monday of next May 
to consider the situation of the United States, and 
devise such further provisions as should appear 
necessary to render the Constitution of the Fed- 
eral Government adequate to the exigencies of the 
Union, and to report to Congress such an act as, 
when agreed to l)y them and confirmed by the legis- 
lature of every State, would effectually provide for 
the same." On their return home, some of the com- 
missioners were plainly told that '' they should have 
confined themselves to the purposes of their errand." 
The utter helplessness of Congress, however, soon 
taught the people that a political renovation was fast 



THE UNITED STATES. 55 

becoming a necessity. Virginia was the first State 
to act upon the suggestion made by the Annapolis 
Convention, and the other States, with the single 
exception of Rhode Island, soon fell into line. 

When the delegates came together in May, it was 
found that some were disposed to do no more than 
amend the Articles of Confederation ; others, promi- 
nent among whom were Washington and Madison, 
pointed out the necessity of a new Constitution. All 
were soon convinced that the work before them was 
not simpl}- that of improvement, but rather that of 
reconstruction — they were not to remodel an old 
house, but to build a new one. 

The result of their lal)ors was that " more perfect 
union," spoken of in the opening clause of the Con- 
stitution, under which Ave have grown great and 
prosperous. 

Preamble. — We, the people of the United States, in 
order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, 
insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common 
defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the 
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do 
ordain and establish this Constitution for the United 
States of North America. 

Government of some kind is an absolute necessity. 
All nations, in all times, have recognized this fact. 
Constitutions, however, are not necessary, for the 



56 CONSTITUTION OF 

inhabitants of some countries are governed without 
them ; nevertheless, a written constitution is a grand 
safeguard against caprice and oppression. Russia 
has no constitution, and the Russian government is 
so oppressive that the people are constantly on the 
verge of revolution. The Russian Liberals (not 
revolutionists) are even now demanding a constitu- 
tional form of government. 

We certainly have reason to be thankful that we 
live in a country possessing one of the best consti- 
tutions ever formed. " Tlie American Constitution," 
says William E. Gladstone, " is the most wonderful 
work ever struck off at a given time by the brain 
and purpose of man." But we must not delude our- 
selves by supposing that there is some magic power 
in our form of government that will, while the peo- 
ple remain in careless inactivity and trust to fortune, 
render it invulnerable to all the assaults that may 
in the future be made against it. No citizen of the 
United States should for a moment forget that a 
republican form of government rests directly upon 
the intelligence and the virtue of the people. 

Remove these pillars from the temple of freedom 
reared by our fathers at so great a cost, and the 
whole structure will fall, burying a nation beneath 
its ruins. Our Government, which we believe is the 
best that the sun shines upon, is safe, however, just 



THE UNITED STATES. 57 

SO long as it is fortified by the intelligence and sus- 
tained by the virtues of the people. The preamble 
quoted above, is not an enacting part of the Consti- 
tution — it does not grant any powers. Its only 
purpose is to explain the motives of those who 
framed the Constitution. 

Legislative Power. — All legislative powers herein 
granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United 
States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of 
Representatives. 

The Constitution opens with a compromise. In 
the convention called for the purpose of establishing 
a permanent system of government, were two par- 
ties. The one advocated the representation of the 
people; the other desired the representation of the 
States. 

Neither party would yield, and a House of Repre- 
sentatives to represent the people, and a Senate to 
represent the States, was the result. Two Houses 
of Congress are, indeed, just what we need. If there 
were but one, undue haste, ignorance, or excitement, 
might give us many harmful laws. Just as two per- 
sons are not likely to make the same mistakes in 
performing a lengthy multiplication, so two Houses 
of Congress are not likely to make the same mis- 
takes in framing a law. Since the two Houses must 



58 CONSTITUTION OF 

consider the same questions, and must agree in tiieir 
decisions, the student will see that there is but little 
chance for hurtful legislation. Then, too, as an 
additional check, there yet remains the President's 
veto power, of which we shall learn hereafter. 

Section II. 

House of Bejyresentatives. — The House of Representa- 
tives shall be composed of members chosen every second 
year by the people of the several States, and the electors 
in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for 
electors of the most numerous branch of the State legis- 
lature. 

The members of the House of Representatives are 
frequently chosen, in order that they may be relied 
upon to obey the wishes of the people. The qualifi- 
cations for electors (persons allowed to vote) varied 
in the different States. 

Then, too, in some of the States, persons who were 
allowed to vote for the less important officers Avere 
not permitted to vote for the higher ones. Finally, 
as a compromise, it was decided that the qualifica- 
tions should be the same in each State as those requi- 
site for the electors of the most numerous branch 
(House of Representatives) of the State legislature. 

In simple language, the person who was allowed 
by State law to vote for members of the House of 



THE UNITED STATES. 59 

Representatives in his own State, was entitled to 
vote for members of tlie National House of Repre- 
sentatives. 

Qualifications of Members. — Xo person shall be a rep- 
resentative who shall not have attained to the age of 
twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the 
United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an 
inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 

A person who has not attained to the age of 
twenty-five years is not allowed to be a representa- 
tive, because he does not possess the knowledge and 
experience that time alone can give. A representa- 
tive is not required to be a citizen of the United 
States by birth. The foreigner, however, wdio reaches 
the National House of Representatives, must have 
lived here at least twelve years; for no alien can 
become a citizen until he has lived within the coun- 
try five 3^ears, and after this, seven years of citizen- 
ship are demanded. This demand is made because 
we want to be sure that he really intends to make 
this country bis home. That he must be an inhabi- 
tant of the State from which he is chosen, is a matter 
to which great importance is attached. In practice, 
the people go even farther than this, and insist that 
a representative must come from the particular " dis- 
trict " (a section of the State containing one bun- 



60 CONSTITUTION OF 

dred and fifty-four thousand inhabitants) that sends 
him to Congress. For this reason, a district in east- 
ern Pennsylvania will not permit a man from the 
western part of the State to represent it in the House 
of Representatives at Washington. A little consid- 
eration will show that this is right. A man who 
lives out of a district cannot be so well acquainted 
with the needs of its people as a man who lives in 
it. Moreover, even if it be granted that the out- 
sider is as well acquainted with the needs of the 
people as any resident, it will be seen that a non- 
resident, having no jDarticular interest in the district, 
would more readily disregard the will of the resi- 
dents. 

Apportionmeyit of Representatives and Direct Taxes. — 
Eepresentatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned 
among the several States which may be included within 
this Union, according to their respective numbers, which 
shall be determined by adding to the whole number of 
free persons, including those bound to service for a term 
of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths 
of all other persons. 

The above became a part of the Constitution after 
a debate so angry and prolonged, that many persons 
feared it would be impossible to effect a union of the 
States. The student who reads this provision hur- 
riedly may see nothing in it to stir up so great a 



THE UNITED STATES. 61 

commotion. The secret lies in the last words. The 
phrase, " three-fifths of all other persons," was used 
to avoid the direct mention of the word "slave." 

An examination of the census of 1790 shoAvs that 
there were in the States at tiiat time, six hundred 
and eighty-one thousand eight hundred and forty- 
six (681,846) slaves. More than three-fourths of 
this number were south of the Potomac, and four- 
teen-fifteenths of them Avere south of Pennsylvania. 
Virginia alone held nearly one-half of the entire 
number. Some of the delegates in the convention 
insisted on proportioning representation according 
to wealth as well as population. Others argued 
that population would constitute a good measure of 
wealth. After much debate it was decided that the 
number of representatives from the different States 
should be in proportion to the population. Some of 
the Southern States now insisted that all their slaves 
should be counted as a portion of their population, 
though these slaves could not vote and were re- 
garded merely as property. Some of the Northern 
States, with equal energy, insisted that none of the 
slaves should be counted. 

Other States, Virginia among them, acknowledged 
that it would be unjust to count all the slaves when 
making the estimate for representation ; but they 
were uuAvilling that all should be excluded. An- 



62 CONSTITUTION OF 

other compromise became a necessity. The people 
of the North said, acceding to a proposition from 
the South, you may count three-fifths of your slaves 
and add them to the number of free persons in your 
States for the purpose of determining the number of 
representatives belonging to you, if, in like manner, 
you increase the direct taxes naturally falling to 
your share. The people of the South agreed to do 
this, thus increasing their representation, but at the 
same time and to the same extent, adding to their 
taxes. Very few direct taxes, however, were laid 
before the Civil War, and thus the people of the 
South had " the best of the bargain." 

The student will see that this part of the Consti- 
tution is now without effect ; for there are no longer 
any slaves in the United States. The law, at present 
in force, is to be found in the second section of the 
Fourteenth Amendment. 

Census. — The actual enumeration shall be made with- 
in three years after the first meeting of the Congress of 
the United States, and within every subsequent term of 
ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. 

It is necessary to count frequently all the people 
in the United States, in order that representatives 
may be properly divided among the States. The 
framers of the Constitution thought this counting 



THE UNITED STATES. 63 

should be done once every ten years. The censusi 
not only determines the number of people in the 
country,^ but it shows where they are, how they ai-e 
employed, from what nations they come, their educa- 
tional advantages, and many other important facts. 
The census of 1880 furnished so much information 
that it will fill many large volumes, all of which are 
not yet (1887) published. 

Number of Representatives. — The number of repre- 
sentatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thou- 
sand ; but each State shall have at least one representa- 
tive; and until such enumerations shall be made, the 
State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose 
three, Massachusetts, eight, Rhode Island and Provi- 
dence Plantations, one, Connecticut, five. New York, six, 
New Jersey, four, Pennsylvania, eight, Delaware, one, 
Maryland, six, Virginia, ten. North Carolina, five, South 
Carolina, five, and Georgia, three. 

The Constitution does not fix the number of repre- 
sentatives. It simpfy says the number shall not ex- 
ceed one for every thirty thousand. This number 
was made the orighuil " basis of representation." 

In other words, the whole country was divided 
into districts containing, as nearly as possible, thirty 
thousand people. 

1 For the population as reported by the decennial censuses, see 
Appendix. 



64 CONSTITUTION OF 

Each of these districts elected one representative, 
and the first House of Representatives contained 
sixty-five members, because at tliat time the popula- 
tion of the country was great enough to make that 
number of districts each containing thirty thousand 
inhabitants. 

The population has increased so much since that 
time, that if thirty thousand were now taken as the 
basis of representation, the House of Representatives 
would be so large and unwieldly that it would hardly 
be possible to transact business. In order, therefore, 
to keep the number of representatives down to a 
working limit, the basis of representation has been 
increased from time to time. In 1870 we had one 
representative for every one hundred thirty-eight 
thousand inhabitants ; but the census of 1880 showed 
such an enormous increase in population, that it was 
found necessary to enlarge the districts so that they 
might contain one hundred and fifty-four thousand 
inhabitants. This basis gives us three hundred and 
twenty-five representatives, and no change will be 
made until after the census of 1890. 

But what is the meaning of the words, " Each State 
shall have at least one representative " ? 

Those who framed the Constitution saw that 
States not having a population equal to the basis of 
representation might be admitted to the Union. 



THE UNITED STATES. 65 

They wished to secure a representative for each 
and every State of that kind. We may take Colo- 
rado as an example. This State was admitted into 
the Union in 1876, with a population of only forty- 
two thousand. At that time the basis of representa- 
tion was one hundred and thirty-eight thousand; 
but notwithstanding this, the above provision of the 
Constitution gave Colorado one representative. 

Vacancies. — When vacancies happen in the represen- 
tation from any State, the executive authority thereof 
shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 

The Speaker and Livpeachments. — The House of Rep- 
resentatives shall choose their speaker and other officers ; 
and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 

An impeachment is a written accusation charging 
a civil officer of the United States with treason, 
bribery, or other high crime or misdemeanor. If 
such an accusation is made, it must ])e brought for- 
ward by the House of Representatives. 

The speaker (presiding officer) of the House of 
Representatives is a highly important person. By 
some he is regarded as next to the President in im- 
portance. 

On all official occasions, however, his place is first 
after the Vice-President. 

It was thought best to give the House of Repre- 



6Q CONSTITUTION OF 

sentatives the power of impeacliment, because they, 
representing the people, would best know whether 
there was cause for complamt. The House has exer- 
cised this power several times ; only once, hoAvever, 
upon a President, — Johnson, — whose case is most 
conspicuous. 

Section III. 

Senate. — The Senate of the United States shall be 
composed of two senators from each State, chosen by the 
legislature thereof, for six years ; and each senator shall 
have one vote. 

The period of six years was the result of another 
compromise. Some members of the convention 
thought three years long enough, while others argued 
for terms varying from four to nine. 

The extremes each moved half the intervening dis- 
tance, and they met at six years. Those who advo- 
cated a short term, were afraid the senators might 
obtain too much power and become too independent 
of the people. Those who pleaded for a longer term, 
saw more clearly the advantages of experience, and 
were anxious to have the Senate sufficiently inde- 
pendent to check an impulsive people. But why 
does the Constitution say, " Each senator shall have 
one vote"? To understand this, we must be familiar 
with the character of the Congress of the Confedera- 



THE UNITED STATES. 67 

tion. This Congress was a single body, composed of 
not less than two nor more than seven representa- 
tives from each State. In voting, each State cast a 
single ballot. You see, then, that under the Confed- 
eration, the vote of a representative (the word sena- 
tor was not then used) did not count even so much 
as one. In a State with seven representatives, it 
took them all to cast one vote — the vote of their 
State. The above clause in the Constitution changes 
this. There is now no voting by States (except when 
the House of Representatives elects the President 
of the United States) ; but each senator has one vote. 

Classification. — Immediately after they shall be as- 
sembled in consequence of the first election, they shall 
be divided, as equally as may be, into three classes. 
The seats of the senators of the first class shall be va^ 
cated at the expiration of the second year, of the second 
class, at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the 
third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that 
one-third may be chosen every second year ; and if va- 
cancies happen, by resignation or otherwise, during the 
recess of the legislature of any State, the executive 
thereof may make temporary appointments until the 
next meeting of the legislature which shall then fill such 
vacancies. 

This classification is a wise one. It secures to us 
a Senate two-thirds of which, at least, have had some 
experience. On the other hand, the inexperienced 



68 CONSTITUTION OF 

one-third, (supposing none of the former senators are 
sent back,) coming fresh from the people, may be 
more ready to serve them. The student will see 
that this classification tends to diminish any evils 
which may be urged against a long senatorial term. 

Qualifications. — No person shall be a senator who shall 
not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been 
nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall 
not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for 
which he shall be chosen. 

The reasons already given for demanding certain 
qualifications of representatives, apply with increased 
force to senators, because their duties are thought to 
be more responsible. But there is an additional rea- 
son for demanding higher qualifications of senators. 
With the President, (see Article II., Section II.,) they 
make treaties with foreign nations. Now if it were 
possible for men who had been citizens for only a 
year or two, to become senators, it is highly probable 
that in any treaty between the United States and 
their native country, these men would feel more 
kindly towards their old home than towards their 
new one. It is a wise provision that requires nine 
years of citizenship. 

President of Senate. — The Vice-President of the 
United States shall be president of the Senate, but shall 
have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 



THE UNITED STATES. b9 

The Vice-President is not a senator. He was not 
elected by any State to represent it, and therefore 
should not vote, except in the case of a " tie." 

Officers and president pro tern. — The Senate shall choose 
their other officers, and also a president pro tempore, in 
the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall 
exercise the office as President of the United States. 

It is customary for the Senate to choose one of 
their number for the position of president pro tem- 
pore (for the time being) at the beginning of the 
session, and he is elected when the occasion arises. 
Since the president pro tempore is a senator, he of 
course votes on all questions which come before the 
Senate ; otherwise his State would lose one vote. 

Trial of impeachment. — The Senate shall have the 
sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for 
that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When 
the President of the United States is tried, the chief- 
justice shall preside ; and no person shall be convicted 
without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members 
present. 

There is an excellent reason for a change of pre- 
siding officer in the Senate, when the President of 
the United States is on trial. If the President is 
convicted, the Vice-President is placed at the head 
of the nation. Under such circumstances it might 



70 CONSTITUTION OF 

be possible that the Vice-President would not con- 
duct the trial in an impartial manner. The Consti- 
tution therefore provides that the chief-justice, who 
has nothing to gain or lose by the trial, shall preside. 

Judgment. — Judgment, in cases of impeachment, shall 
not extend further than to removal from office, and dis- 
qualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, 
or profit under the United States ; but the party con- 
victed shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indict- 
ment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. 

Section IY. 

Election of members of Congress. — The times, places, 
and mamier of holding elections for senators and repre- 
sentatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the legis- 
lature thereof; but the Congress may, at any time, by 
law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the 
places of choosing senators. 

The States have, in the first place, power to con- 
trol the times, places, and manner of holding elections 
for senators and representatives ; but in order to pre- 
vent a State from defeating in any way the Federal 
Government, the Constitution here gives power to 
Congress to alter the State regulations, concerning 
these matters, in all particulars but one. In Article 
I., Section III., it is declared that senators shall be 
chosen by the legislatures of the States. If, then, 



THE UNITED STATES. 71 

the above exception as to the place of choosing 
senators Avere not made, Congress would have power 
to name the phxces in which the State legishitures 
shall meet. The exception is made, because this is 
an affair that Congress should not control. 

To meet ayinually. — The Congress shall assemble at 
least once in every year ; and such meeting shall be on 
the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law 
appoint a different day. 

That Congress must assemble at least once a 
year, is a matter of great importance. If Congress 
should convene only at long and uncertain intervals, 
power would quickly accumulate in the hands of a 
few, and the representative character of our govern- 
ment would be destroyed. The Constitution does 
not designate the place where Congress shall meet. 
With respect to questions of this nature, there must 
be some freedom. The prevalence of a contagious 
disease, or other causes, might make it desirable, or 
even necessary, to change the regular place of meet- 
ino\ Under such circumstances the President may, 
] ( proclamation, convene C'ongress at such other 
place as he may consider suitable. 

Sectiox y. 

Power of each house. — Each house shall be the judge 
of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own 



72 CONSTITUTION OF 

members ; and a majority of each shall constitute a 
quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may ad- 
journ from day to day, and may be authorized to compel 
the attendance of absent members, in such manner and 
under such penalties as each house may provide. 

Power to punish and expel. — Each house may de- 
termine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members 
for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two- 
thirds, expel a member. 

Journals. — Each house shall keep a journal of its pro- 
ceedings, and from time to time publish the same, 
excepting such parts as may in their judgment require 
secrecy. 

Yeas and nays. — And the yeas and nays of the mem- 
bers of either house, on any question, shall, at the desire 
of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 

By yeas and nays are meant the votes which are 
to be recorded on the journals of each house. When 
the yeas and nays are not called for, members may 
shun responsibility, either by not voting at all, or by 
having their voices drowned by others ; and even if 
their votes are known, there is no record of them. 
But when the yeas and nays are called, every mem- 
ber, unless excused, must vote; and the votes are 
entered upon the journal. It thus becomes impos- 
sible to escape responsibility. On the other hand, 



THE UNITED STATES. 73 

a factions minority is given an opportunity to impede 
legislation by constantly calling for the yeas and 
nays. 

Adjournment. — Neither house, during the session of 
Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, ad- 
journ for more than three days, nor to any other place 
than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. 

Section VI. 

Compensation. — The senators and representatives shall 
receive a compensation for their services, to be ascer- 
tained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United 
States.^ 

Privileges. — They shall, in all cases except treason, 
felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest 
during their attendance on the session of their respective 
houses, and in going to and returning from the same; 
and for any speech or debate in either house, they shall 
not be questioned in any other place. 

A congressman when on his way to or from Wash- 
ington, or when there attending to his duties, can- 
not be arrested unless he is accused of being a traitor, 
or of having committed a crime great enough to send 
him to the State prison, or is disturbing the peace of 
the community. 

Were it not for this provision, corrupt politicians 
might band together and have a large number of 

1 For salaries of senators and representatives, see Appendix. 



74 CONSTITUTION OF 

congressmen, who were known to be hostile to their 
schemes, arrested when on their way to Washington. 
Those who were not thus detained could pass such 
laws as pleased them, before the arrested parties 
could have time to prove themselves innocent of the 
charge brought against them. Moreover, the people 
Avho elected the congressmen that were seized, would, 
in the meantime, be unrepresented. That they shall 
not be questioned in any other place, for any speech 
or debate in either House, means that, for any speech 
or debate in either House, they shall not be sued. In 
other words, they cannot be held legally responsible. 
Thus the congressmen are given great freedom of 
speech. This a man must have that he may defend 
himself and his opinions. But this freedom of speech 
cannot be abused. The Constitution contains a 
provision that puts a check upon it. 

The provision is found in Article I., Section V. 

The student should find it for himself. 

Exclusion from office. — No senator or representative 
shall, during the time for which he was elected, be ap- 
pointed to any civil office under the authority of the 
United States which shall have been created, or the 
emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during 
such time ; and no person holding any office under the 
United States shall be a member of either house during 
his continuance in office. 



THE UNITED STATES. 75 

Section VII. 

Revenue bills. — All bills for raising revenue shall 
originate in the House of Representatives ; but the 
Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on 
other bills. 

The people have to pay the taxes, hence the rep- 
resentatives who most directly reflect the will of 
the people, are the proper persons to bring forward 
bills for raising revenue. All other bills may origi- 
nate in either House ; but bills for raisino* revenue 
must originate in the House of Representatives. 
This provision puts great power in the hands of the 
people. If the President and Senate combined want 
to engage in war, they cannot, against the will of 
the people. To prevent such an evil, we have only 
to cut off, through our representatives, the supply 
of money. In this country, the people are supreme. 
They may not always desire the best things for 
themselves, but Avhat they 2vant they can get. 

Every bill which shall have passed the House of 
Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become 
a law, be presented to the President of the United States ; 
if he approve he shall sign it, but if not, he shall re- 
turn it, with his objections, to that house in which it 
shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at 
large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, 
after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that house 



76 CONSTITUTION OF 

shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together 
with the objections, to the other house, by which it 
shall likewise be reconsidered, and, if approved by two- 
thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But, in all 
such cases, the votes of both houses shall be determined 
by yeas and nays ; and the names of the persons voting 
for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal 
of each house respectively. 

If any bill shall not be returned by the President 
within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have 
been presented to him, the same shall be a law in like 
manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by 
their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it 
shall not be a law. 

Joint orders, resolutions, etc. — Every order, resolu- 
tion, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate 
and House of Representatives may be necessary ( except 
on a question of adjournment), shall be presented to the 
President of the United States ; and, before the same 
shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or, being 
disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of 
the Senate and House of Eepresentatives, according to 
the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 



Section VIII. 

General powers. — The Congress shall have power: — 

Taxation. — To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, 
and excises to pay the debts, and provide for the common 



THE UNITED STATES. 77 

defense and general welfare of the United States ; but 
all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform through- 
out the United States. 

A tax is a levy made upon the person, property, 
or income of individuals, for the support of the 
government. Taxes are of two kinds, direct and 
indirect. A direct tax is laid directly on the in- 
come or property itself. An indirect tax is imposed 
on articles of production or consumption. 

Duties are charges upon goods and merchandise 
imported or exported. 

Imposts are taxes laid, generally, upon imported 
goods. Excises are inland duties. 

They were laid originally only on certain products 
of home industry and consumption ; but they are 
now levied on some imported articles, as tobacco 
and wine. 

Excises operate as indirect taxes on the consumer. 

Loans. — To borrow money on the credit of the 
United States. 

Commerce. — To regulate commerce with foreign na- 
tions, and among the several States, and with the Indian 
tribes. 

Naturalization. — Bankruptcy. — To establish a uniform 
rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject 
of bankruptcies throughout the United States. 



78 CONSTITUTION OF 

The law regulating naturalization is somewhat 
complicated and has been changed from time to time. 
The law at present (1887) in force may, in general 
terms, be stated briefly as follows : 

1. The country of the applicant must be at peace 
with ours. 2. His intention to become naturalized 
must have been declared under oath, before some 
federal or State court, tAvo years before his admission. 

3. He must have resided five years within the coun- 
try, and one year within the State where the applica- 
tion is made, behaving as a good citizen ; which must 
be proved by other testimony than his own oath. 

4. He must take an oath to support the Constitution 
of the United States, and abjure all other allegiance. 

5. If he has borne any title of nobility, he must 
renounce it. 

When a foreigner is naturalized, his wife and 
minor children, if living in this country, become 
citizens with him. There are some special provisions 
relative to soldiers. It is taken for granted that a 
man who, at any time, fought for this country, is 
sincere in his desire to become a citizen. 

Coin. — Weights and measures. — To coin money, regu- 
late the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and to fix the 
standard of weights and measures : 



Counterfeiting. — To provide for the punishment of 
unterfeiting 
United States : 



counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the 



THE UNITED STATES. 79 

Post-offices. — To establish post-offices and post-roads. 

Patents and Copyrights. — To promote the progress of 
science and useful arts, by securing for limited times, to 
authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their re- 
spective writings and discoveries : 

Courts. — To constitute tribunals inferior to the Su- 
preme Court : 

Piracies, etc. — To define and punish piracies and felon- 
ies committed on the high seas, and offences against the 
law of nations : 

" The high seas " include the waters of the oceau 
without the boundary of any country ; also, the un- 
inclosed waters of the ocean, which are without the 
limits of loAV-water mark. 

War. — To declare war, grant letters of marque and 
reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and 
water : 

Letters of marque and reprisal are commissions 
granted by the government to private individuals, to 
take the property of a foreign state, or of its citizens 
or subjects, as a reparation for an injury committed 
by such state, or its citizens or subjects, for Avhich it 
has refused satisfaction. Such letters are issued for 
the purpose of averting war. 

Reprisal means a taking in return ; marque is a 
law term applied to a license to pass the boundaries 
of a country for the purpose of such taking. 



80 CONSTITUTION OF 

Army. — To raise and support armies ; but no appro- 
priation of money to that use shall be for a longer term 
than two years : 

Navy, — To provide and maintain a navy : To make 
rules for the government and regulation of the land and 
naval forces : 

Militia. — To provide for calling forth the militia to 
execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, 
and repel invasions : 

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the 
militia, and for governing such part of them as may be 
employed in the service of the United States, reserving 
to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, 
and the authority of training the militia according to the 
discipline prescribed by Congress : 

Exclusive Legislation. — To exercise exclusive legisla- 
tion, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not ex- 
ceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particu- 
lar States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the 
seat of government of the United States, and to exercise 
like authority over all places purchased by the consent 
of the legislature of the State in which the same shall 
be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock- 
yards, and other needful buildings : 

Laws for carrying out vested Powers. — And to make 
all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying 
into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers 
vested by this Constitution in the government of the 
United States, or in any department or officer thereof. 



THE UNITED STATES. 81 



When considering the subject of exclusive legisla- 
tion, as exercised by Congress over the seat of gov- 
ernment, it is well to remember that there was at 
first much jealousy between the States as to where 
the capital should be. 

Both Philadelphia and New York were anxious to 
become the capital of the nation. Each place thought 
it would gain great importance, and some control 
over the laws, if it were thus honored. To prevent 
just this possibility, a particular part of the country 
— the District of Columbia — was given up entirely 
to the National Government. The District of Co- 
lumbia is neither a State nor a Territory, and will 
always remain without any power in the govern- 
ment. 

Slave Trade. — Sec. IX. The niigration or importa- 
tion of such persons, as any of the States now exist- 
ing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited 
by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight 
hundred and eight ; but a tax, or duty, may be imposed 
on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each 
person. 

In the above, the word '' slave " was again studi- 
ously avoided; but the student will see that the 
words, " such persons as any of the States now exist- 
ing shall think proper to admit," have reference to 
slaves. This provision concerning them was the re- 



82 



CONSTITUTION OF 



►suit of a compromise in the Convention. The Con- 
stitution is full of compromises. Without them, it 
could never have had an existence. 

Habeas Corpus. — The privilege of the writ of habeas 
corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of 
rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. 

The words " habeas corpus " are from the Latin. 
The equivalent in English is, ^'you may have the 
body." If a prisoner thinks he has been unjustly 
arrested, he, or his friends, may apply to a United 
States judge for a writ of habeas corpus. 

This commands the persons who have the prisoner 
in keeping to bring him before the judge. If he 
decides that the prisoner is lawfully held, he sends 
him back to prison ; but if it is found that the 
charge upon which he is kept in custody is false or 
insufficient, the judge orders that he shall be re- 
leased, and he is immediately set at liberty. 

When this privilege is suspended, the government 
may imprison whom it pleases; and hold them as 
long as it pleases, and that, too, without giving a 
reason. Only tyrants would wish to have the writ 
suspended, except upon the conditions named in the 
Constitution. 

Our government suspended this privilege in 1863, 
when it became necessary because of the Civil War. 



THE UNITED STATES. 83 

Even then, the suspension was confined to that part 
of the country which was actually in a state of war. 

The above explanation considers the writ of ha- 
beas corpus as related to the National Government. 
United States judges can grant the writ only in 
cases of violation of United States laws. But most 
of the State Constitutions contain a clause just like 
the one in the Constitution of the United States, 
that we are now considering. 

If the prisoner is accused of breaking State law, 
he can make application for the writ, to any judge 
of a higher court in his State. 

Bill of Attainder. — Ex Post Facto Law. — Xo bill of 
attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. 

A bill of attainder is an act of a law-making body 
by which the punishment of death is inflicted upon 
a person for some crime ; and that, too, without any 
trial. But the punishment does not end here. The 
children of a person thus executed cannot inherit 
any property which they are entitled to receive, be- 
cause "the blood" is pronounced "attainted." In 
the seventeenth century such bills were passed in 
England, but the bill of attainder was long ago 
abolished there. Our Constitution prevents the pos- 
sibility of such rank injustice in the United States. 
The nature of an ex post facto law (that is, a law 



84 CONSTITUTION" OF 

made after the act it is intended to punish) will be 
best understood by means of examples. 

Suppose that in the State of Pennsylvania there 
was, yesterday, no law against l)urglary. Many 
burglaries, however, having been committed yester- 
day, and the State, seeing the necessity of putting a 
check upon this wrong, to-day passes a law against 
it; and declares that the men who were burglars 
yesterday shall be imprisoned for ten years. This 
would be an ex post facto law. 

Let us now make another supposition. Suppose 
that in the State of Pennsylvania there was, yester- 
day, a law against burglary. Suppose, also, that the 
penalty for transgression was imprisonment for ten 
years. Many burglaries, however, having been com- 
mitted yesterday, the State, seeing the necessity of 
greater severity, to-day passes a new law and de- 
clares that the burglars of yesterday shall be pun- 
ished by it; and that they shall all be hanged. This, 
too, would be an ex post facto law. The student 
will noAv understand the definition that follows. 

An ex post facto law is one that makes punishable, 
as a crime, an act Avhich was not criminal when 
done ; or that increases the punishment of a crime 
after it has been committed. Any one can see the 
injustice of such a law. The clause which we have 
been considering is binding upon the National Gov- 



THE UNITED STATES. 85 

ernment only. But the Constitution does not stop 
here. In Article I., Section X., the States are com- 
manded not to pass any bill of attainder or ex post 
facto law. How carefully are our rights guarded ! 

Direct Taxes. — No capitation or other direct tax 
shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census, or enu- 
meration, hereinbefore directed to be taken. 

A capitation tax is one imposed upon each head, 
or person, of the population. 

Such a tax is sometimes (Tailed a poll-tax. 

State Exports. — No tax or duty shall be laid on arti- 
cles exported from any State. No preference shall be 
given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the 
ports of one State over those of another ; nor shall ves- 
sels bound to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, 
or pay duties in another. 

Port Duties. — Receipts and Expenditures. — No money 
shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of 
appropriations made by law; and a regular statement 
and account of the receipts and expenditures of all pub- 
lic moneys shall be i)ublished from time to time. 

Titles and Receipt of Presents prohibited. — No title of 
nobility shall be granted by the United States ; and no 
person holding any office of profit or trust under them 
shall, without the consent of Congress, accept of any 
present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, 
from any king, prince, or foreign state. 



86 CONSTITUTION OF 

Because of the above provision, there are still ly- 
i.ig in the treasury at Washington, costly jewels that 
vrere presented by a foreign ruler to President Van 
Buren. Were it not for this clause, presents might 
be only another name for bribes. 

Limitations of the Poicers of the States. — Sfx'. X. Ko 
State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; 
grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit 
bills of credit ; make any thing but gold and silver coin 
a tender in payment of deb^s ; pass any bill of attainder, 
ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of con- 
tracts, or grant any title of nobility. 

Imposts. — No State shall, without the consent of the 
Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or ex- 
ports, except what may be absolutely necessary for exe- 
cuting its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all 
duties and imposts laid by any State on imports or 
exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United 
States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision 
and control of the Congress. 

Tonnage Duties. — Troops and Ships of War. — No 
State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any 
duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in times of 
peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another 
State or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless 
actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not 
admit of delay. 



THE UNITED STATES. 87 

Article II. 

President. — Sec. I. The executive power shall be 
vested in a President of the United States of America. 

Term of Office. — He shall hold his office during the 
term of four years, and together with the Vice-President, 
chosen for the same term, be elected as follows : — 

Mode of Election. — Each State shall appoint, in such 
manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number 
of electors equal to the whole number of senators and 
representatives to which the State may be entitled in 
the Congress ; but no senator or representative, or person 
holding an office of trust or profit under the United 
States, shall be appointed an elector. The electors shall 
meet in their respective States and vote by ballot for 
two persons, of whom one, at least, shall not be an in- 
habitant of the same State with themselves. And they 
shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the 
number of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and 
certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the govern- 
ment of the United States, directed to the president of 
the Senate. The president of the Senate shall, in the 
j)resence of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be 
counted. The person having the greatest number of 
votes shall be the President, if such number be a major- 
ity of the whole number of electors appointed; and if 
there be more than one who have such majority, and 
have an equal number of votes, then the House of Repre- 
sentatives shall immediately choose, by ballot, one of 



88 CONSTITUTION OF 

tliem for President; and if no person liave a majority, 
then, from the five highest on the list, the said house 
shall, in like manner, choose the President. But, in 
choosing the President, the vote shall be taken by 
States ; the representation from each State having one 
vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a mem- 
ber or members from two-thirds of the States, and a 
majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. 
In every case, after the choice of the President, the per- 
son having the greatest number of votes of the electors 
shall be Vice-President. But, if there should remain 
two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall 
choose from them, by ballot, the Vice-President. 

The method here described of electing a President 
and Vice-President, is now superseded by a plan ex- 
plained in the Twelfth Amendment. 

Time of Election. — The Congress may determine the 
time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they 
shall give their votes ; which day shall be the same 
throughout the United States. 

The above provision is one of great importance. 
Suppose the electors should be chosen in the differ- 
ent States at different times. Suppose, too, that all 
the States except one, have chosen their electors, 
and that the result of the Presidential election de- 
pends upon the choice of electors in that State. 
How irresistible would be the temptation for each 
party to resort to dishonest methods ! 



THE UNITED STATES. 89 

Even with these restrictions as to time, there is 
room enough for fraud. 

Congress, having been given the power to deter- 
mine the time of choosing the electors, selected for 
this purpose the Tuesday next after the first Mon- 
day in November. Having been chosen, the electors 
of each State, meeting at the capital of their own 
State, vote, on the first Wednesday of the next De- 
cember, for President and Vice-President. 

Qualifications of President. — No person except a nat- 
ural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the 
time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be 
eligible to the office of President; neither shall any 
person be eligible to that office who shall not have 
attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen 
years a resident within the United States. 

This part of the Constitution, naming the qualifi- 
cations of a man eligible to the office of President, 
is peculiar. Omitting the part that is now obsolete 
it would read as follows : — '* No person except a 
natural born citizen shall be eligible to the office of 
President; neither shall any person be eligible to 
that office who shall not have attained to the age of 
thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident 
Avithin the United States." It is believed that the 
additional words were used for the purpose of in- 
cluding Alexander Hamilton among the persons 



90 CONSTITUTION OF 

eligible to this high office ; though of course the 
lauguage is comprehensive enough to include many 
other naturalized foreigners. Hamilton was born 
in the West Indies ; but at the time of the adoption 
of the Constitution he was a citizen of the United 
States and had been a resident therein just about 
fourteen years. At that time, however, he was only 
thirty years of age. He had done much for his 
adopted country, and some persons thought he 
should have an opportunity to become President. 
Now, however, it is impossible for a foreigner to be 
elected President. Any man who reaches this posi- 
tion must have been born in this country, he must 
have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and he 
must have been fourteen years a resident of the 
United States. The student will see that the other 
condition named (that he may be a citizen of the 
United States at the time of the adoption of the con- 
stitution) is obsolete, because persons embraced in 
it are now dead. 

Let it be remembered, however, that absence 
from the United States does not necessarily imply 
loss of residence. The legal residence of a citizen 
of the United States, living in France or Germany, 
or any other country, is in the United States. 

Presidential Succession. — In case of the removal of 
the President from office, or of his death, resignation, 



THE UNITED STATES. 91 

or inability to discharge the powers or duties of the 
said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, 
and the Congress ni.xy, by law, provide for the case of 
removal, death, resignation, or inability both of the 
President and Mce-President, declaring what officer 
shall then act as President; and su.'h officer shall act 
accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a Presi- 
dent shall be elected. 

The Constitution does not declare who shall be- 
come President in case of the removal, death, resig- 
nation, or inability, both of the President and Vice- 
President, but wisely confines itself, as in many 
other cases, to general directions, and says, Congress 
may by law provide for these contingencies. 

Congress did, in 1792, pass a law providing for the 
Presidential succession. By this law, if both the 
President and the Vice-President were in any way 
removed, the President jt?ro tempore of the Senate, 
or, after him, the Speaker of the House, Avould have 
become President of the United States. These two 
men, however, could have held this high office, only 
temporarily. The law, in an elaborate manner, 
which it is now unnecessary to explain, provided for 
another election by the people. Fortunately, we have 
never yet lost, in the same Presidential term, both the 
President and the Vice-President. But it is clear 
that we might be so unfortunate, and if so, it was 



92 CONSTITUTION OF 

seen that the old law was in many particulars un- 
satisfactory. To point out one defect of this law 
will be sufficient. 

Cleveland and Hendricks were elected by the 
Democrats. Mr. Hendricks soon died. Had Cleve- 
land also died, or in any way been rendered inca- 
pable of performing the duties of his office, John 
Sherman, a Republican who was in 1886 president 
pro tempore of the Senate, would have become act- 
ing President of the United States. 

This would, for a time at least, have placed the 
Republicans in power, notwithstanding the fact that 
at a recent election a majority of the people had 
voted for Democratic rule. 

Seeing the defects of the old law, the last Con- 
gress passed a new one which is given in full below. 
This act was approved, January 19, 1886, and is 
therefore in force at the present time. 



An act to provide for the performance of the duties of the office 
of President in case of the removal^ death, resignation, or inability 
both of the President and Vice-President. 

New Law regulating the Presidential Succession. — Be it 
enacted by the Senate and the House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
that in the case of removal, death, resignation, or ina- 
bility of both the President and Vice-President of the 



THE UNITED STATES. 



93 



United Sti.tes, the Secretary of tlie State, or if there 
be none, or in case of his removal, death, resignation, 
or inability, then the Secretary of the Treasury, or if 
there be none, or in case of his removal, death, resigna- 
tion, or inability, then the Secretary of War, or if there 
be none, or in case of his removal, death, resignation, or 
inability, then the Attorney-General, or if there be none, 
or in case of his removal, death, resignation, or inability, 
then the Postmaster-General, or if there be none, or 
in case of his removal, death, resignation, or inability, 
then the Secretary of the Navy, or if there be none, or 
in case of his removal, death, resignation, or inability, 
then the Secretary of the Interior, shall act as President 
until the disability of the President or Vice-President 
is removed, or a President shall be elected; provided, 
that whenever the powers and duties of the office of 
President of the United States shall devolve upon any 
of the persons named herein, if Congress be not then in 
session, or if it would not meet in accordance with law 
within twenty days thereafter, it shall be the duty of 
the person upon whom said powers and duties shall 
devolve to issue a proclamation convening Congress in 
extraordinary session, giving twenty days' notice of the 
time of meeting. 

Section II. 

That the preceding section shall only be held to de- 
scribe and apply to such officers as shall have been 
ai)pointed by the advice and consent of the Senate to the 
offices therein named, and such as are eligible to the 
office of President under the Constitution, and not under 



94 CONSTITUTION OF 

impeachment by the House of Eepresentatives of the 
United States at the time the powers and duties of the 
office shall devolve upon them respectively. 

Section III. 

That sections one hundred and forty-six, one hundred 
and forty-seven, one hundred and forty-eight, one hun- 
dred and forty-nine, and one hundred and fifty of the 
Revised Statutes are hereby repealed. 

The repealed sections of the Revised Statutes are 
those that would be in conflict with the new law. 

His Compensation. — The President shall, at stated 
times, receive for his services a compensation,^ which 
shall neither be increased nor diminished during the 
period for which he shall have been elected; and he 
shall not receive within that period any other emolument 
from the United States or any of them. 

Oath of Office. — Before he enter on the execution of 
liis office, he shall take the following oath or affirma- 
tion : — 

" I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully 
execute the office of President of the United States, and 
will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and de- 
fend the Constitution of the United States." 

1 For the salary of the President, Vice-President, and others, see 
Appendix. 



THE UNITED STATES. 95 

Powers and Duties. — Sec. TI. The President shall be 
coniniander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United 
States, and of the militia of the several States, when 
called into the actual service of the United States ; he 
may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal 
officer in each of the executive departments, upon any 
subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, 
and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons 
for offences against the United States, except in cases of 
impeachment. 

Treaties. — Appointing Povoer. — He shall have power, 
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to 
make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators pres- 
ent concur ; and he shall nondnate, and by and with the 
advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint, ambas- 
sadors, other public ministers, and consuls, judges of the 
Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States 
whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided 
for, and which shall be established by law ; but the Con- 
gress may, by law, vest the appointment of such inferior 
officers as they think proper, in the President alone, in 
the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 

* Power to Jill Vacancies. — The President shall have 
power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during 
the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which 
rthall expire at the end of their next session. 

Further Powers. — Sec. III. He shall, from time to 
time, give to the Congress information of the state of 
the Union, and recommend to their consideration such 



96 CONSTITUTIOK OF 

measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; 
he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, 
or either of them, and, in case of disagreement between 
them with respect to the time of adjournment, he may 
adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; 
he shall receive ambassadors and other public minis- 
ters ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully 
executed; and shall commission all the officers of the 
United States. 

Impeachments. — Sec. TV. The President, Vice-Presi- 
dent, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be 
removed from office on impeachment for and conviction of 
treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 

Article III. 

Judiciary. — Sec I. The judicial power of the United 
States shall be vested in a Supreme Court, and in such 
inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time 
ordain and establish. 

Tenure and Compensation. — The judges, both of the 
supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices dur- 
ing good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for 
their services a compensation which shall not be dimin- 
ished during their continuance in office. 

Judicial Poivers. — Sec II. The judicial power shall 
extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this 
Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties 
made, or which shall be made, under their authority ; to 



THE UNITED STATES. 97 

all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, 
and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime 
jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United States 
shall be a party 5 to controversies between two or more 
States, between a State and citizens of another State, 
between citizens of different States, between citizens of 
the same State claiming lands under grants of different 
States, and between a State or the citizens thereof, and 
foreign States, citizens, or subjects. 

Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. — In all cases affect- 
ing ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, and 
those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme 
Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other 
cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have 
appellate jurisdiction both as to law and fact, Avith such 
exceptions, and under such regulations, as the Congress 
shall make. 

Trial for Crimes. — The trial of all crimes, except in 
cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial 
shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall 
have been committed ; but when not committed within 
any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as 
the Congress may by law have directed. 

Treason. — Sec. III. Treason against the United States 
shall consist only in levying war against them, or in 
adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 

Witnesses. — No person shall be convicted of treason 
unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same 
overt act, or on confession in open court. 



98 CONSTITUTION OF 

It will be observed that treason is so defined, that 
there can be no mistake about the meaning of the 
word. 

The framers of the Constitution knew that in 
times of great political excitement, there might be a 
tendency to raise comparatively small offences up to 
the grade of treason and to punish them as such. 
The definition of treason here given precludes this 
danger. It will also be seen that the clearest evi- 
dence of guilt is required. 

Punishment. — The Congress shall have power to 
declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of 
treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture, 
except during the life of the person attainted. 

An act of Congress passed in 1790 declares that 
the punishment of treason shall be death by hang- 
ing ; but by an act of Congress passed July 17, 1862, 
the punishment in the discretion of the court may be 
imprisonment for not less than five years and a fine 
of not less than 110,000. 

The act of 1790 names the maximum of punish- 
ment, and that of 1862, the minimum. 

Article IV. 

State Records. — Sec. L Full faith and credit shall 
be given in each State to the public acts, records, and 
judicial proceedings of every other State. And the 



THE UNITED STATES. 99 

Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in 
which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, 
and the effect thereof. 

Privileges of Citizens. — Sec, II. The citizens of each 
State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities 
of the citizens in the several States. 

This does not mean that a citizen of Pennsylvania 
has, when in Georgia, every privilege he enjoys 
when in Pennsylvania. It means that he is, when in 
Georgia, entitled only to the privileges enjoyed by a 
citizen of that State. 

Fugitives from Justice. — A person charged in any State 
with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from 
justice, and be found in another State, shall, on demand 
of the executive authority of the State from which he 
fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having 
jurisdiction of the crime. 

Fugitives from Labor. — Xo person held to service or 
labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into 
another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation 
therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but 
shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom 
such service or labor may be due. 

The student will here see far enough beneath the 
surface to understand that the above provision en- 
abled the citizens of a slave-holding State to recover 
their slaves when they escaped into other States. It 



100 CONSTITUTION OF 

has been held, too, that under this clause, masters 
may, in some cases, reclaim apprentices. 

This provision, so far as it related to fugitive 
slaves, is, of course, no longer in force. 

New States. — Sec. III. New States may be admitted 
by the Congress into this Union ; but no new State shall 
be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other 
State ; nor any State be formed by the junction of two 
or more States, or parts of States, without the consent 
of the legislature of the States concerned, as well as of 
the Congress. 

Territories. — The Congress shall have power to dis- 
pose of and make all needful rules and regulations 
respecting the territory or other property belonging to 
the United States ; and nothing in this Constitution 
shall be so construed as to i3rejudice any claims of the 
United States or of any particular State. 

Republican Form of Government^ etc.^ guaranteed. — 
Sec. IV. The United States shall guarantee to every 
State in this Union a republican form of government, 
and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and on 
application of the legislature, or of the executive (when 
the legislature cannot be convened), against domestic 
violence. 

Article V. 

Amendments. — The Congress, whenever two-thirds of 
both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amend- 
ments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the 



THE UNITED STATES. 101 

legislatures of two-tliirds of the several States, shall call 
a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either 
case, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part 
of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of 
three-fourths of the several States, or by conventions in 
three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of 
ratification may be proposed by the Congress ; Provided, 
that no amendment, which may be made prior to the 
year one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall in any 
manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth 
section of the first article ; and that no State, without 
its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the 
Senate. 

It will be seen that amendments to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States may be proposed in two 
ways, and the proposed amendments may be ratified 
in either of two ways. Thus far, all amendments 
have been proposed by Congress, and ratified by the 
legislatures of the States. 

Article VI. 

Debts. — All debts contracted and engagements en- 
tered into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall 
be as valid against the United States under this Consti- 
tution, as under the Confederation. 

Supreme Law oftheLcmd. — This Constitution, and the 
laws of the United States which shall be made in pursu- 
ance thereof ; and all treaties made, or which shall be 



102 CONSTITUTIOX OF 

made, under the authority of the United States, shall be 
the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every 
State shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitu- 
tion or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstand- 
ing. 

Oaths of Office. — The senators and representatives 
before mentioned, and the members of the several State 
legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both 
of the United States and of the several States, shall be 
bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitu- 
tion. 

No Religious Test. — But no religious test shall ever be 
required as a qualification to any office or public trust 
under the United States. 

Article YII. 

Ratification, — The ratification of the conventions of 
nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of 
this Constitution between the States so ratifying the 
same. 

Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the 
States present, the seventeenth day of September, in the 
year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty- 
seven, and of the Independence of the United States of 
America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have here- 
unto subscribed our names. 

George Washingtox, President, 

and Deputy from Virginia. 



THE UNITED STATES. 103 

New Hampshire. — John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. 
Massachusetts. — Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King". 
Connecticut. — William Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman. 
Neio Yorlc. — Alexander Hamilton. 

New Jersey. — William Livingston, David Brearly, William Patter- 
son, Jonathan Dayton. 
Pennsylvania. — Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, 

George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons, Jared Ingersoll, James 

Wilson, Gouverneur Morris. 
Delaware. — George Read, Gunning Bedford, Jr., John Dickinson, 

Richard Bassett, Jacob Broom. 
Maryland. — James McHenry, Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, Daniel 

Carroll. 
Virginia. — John Blair, James Madison, Jr. 
North Carolina. — William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh 

Williamson. 
South Carolina. — John Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 

Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler. 
Georgia. — William Few, Abraham Baldwin. 

Attest : William Jackson, Secretary. 



AMENDMENTS 
TO THE CONSTITUTION. 

Article I. 

Freedom of Religion, of Speech, of the Press, and Right 
of Petition. — Congress shall make no law respecting an 
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exer- 
cise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech or of 
the press ; or the right of the people peaceabl}^ to as- 
semble, and to petition the government for a redress of 
grievances. 

Article II. 

Right to hear Arms. — A well-regulated militia being 
necessary to the security of a free State, the right of 
the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 

Article III. 

Quartering of Troops. — No soldier shall, in time of 
peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of 
the owner ; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be 
prescribed by law. 

Article IV. 

Searches and Seizures. — Warrants. — The right of the 
people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 105 

effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall 
not be violated; and no warrants shall issue but upon 
probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and par- 
ticularly describing the place to be searched, and the 
person or things to be seized. 

Article V. 

Trials for Crimes. — Rights of Property. — No person 
shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise in- 
famous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of 
a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval 
forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time 
of war or public danger ; nor shall any person be sub- 
ject, for the same offence, to be twice put in jeopardy 
of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal 
case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived 
of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; 
nor shall private property be taken for public use with- 
out just compensation. 

Article VI. 

Rights of Defendants in Criminal Cases. — In all crimi- 
nal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to 
a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the 
State and district wherein the crime shall have been 
committed, which district shall have been previously 
ascertained by law; and to be informed of the nature 
and cause of the accusation; to be confronted by the 
witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for 
obtaining witnesses in his favor ; and to have the assist- 
ance of counsel for his defence. 



106 CONSTITUTION OF 

Article VII. 

T'rials in Civil Cases. — In suits at common law, where 
tlie value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the 
right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact 
tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any 
court in the United States than according to the rules of 
the common law. 

Article YIII. 

Bail^ Fines J etc. — Excessive bail shall not be required, 
nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual pun- 
ishments inflicted. 

Article IX. 

Reserved Rights. — The enumeration in the Constitu- 
tion of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or 
disparage others retained by the people. 

Article X. 

Powers not Delegated., Reserved. — The powers not del- 
egated to the United States by the Constitution, nor pro- 
hibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States 
respectively, or to the people. 

The first ten amendments are known as the " Bill 
of Rights." They are so called, because in them are 
named those rights that are essential to the liberties 
of the people. Not one of these amendments, how- 
ever, made any real change in the Constitution. 
They were added for the purpose of allaying ap- 



THE UNITED STATES. 107 

prehensions and discontents. Several of the States 
adopted the Constitution only after bitter opposition 
and by small majorities. Moreover, these small ma- 
jorities were generally obtained by the help of reso- 
lutions promising to recommend to Congress " what- 
soever amendments may be deemed necessary." 

The House of the first Congress of the United 
States sent to the Senate seventeen articles of 
amendment. Only twelve of these, however, passed 
the Senate, and of these twelve, two failed to re- 
ceive from the States that approval which was 
necessary to their ratification. 

The remaining ten amendments became a part of 
the Constitution in 1791. 

Article XI. 

The judicial power of the United States shall not be 
construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, com- 
menced or prosecuted against one of the United States 
by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of 
any foreign state. 

This amendment, like all the following ones, did 
make a decided change in the Constitution. During 
the Revolution bills of credit were issued by the 
States. These bills were not paid, and, after the 
adoption of the Constitution, private persons brought 
suits against some of the States to compel payment. 



108 CONSTITUTION OF 

The Supreme Court decided that, under the pro- 
visions of Article III., Section II., of the Constitu- 
tion, these individuals could, through the United 
States courts, institute legal proceedings against the 
States. This method of proceeding against a State 
was objected to by the people, and hence they asked 
for an amendment that would prohibit it. This is 
just what the Eleventh Amendment does. An indi- 
vidual cannot sue a State, through a State court, 
and this Amendment prevents him from doing so 
thi'ough the United States courts. A private per- 
son, therefore, cannot sue a State in any court. It 
seems that it is thought best to allow the State to 
pay the private person in its own time and way or 
not at all, as happened in several instances to the 
disgrace of the dishonest States which repudiated 
their just obligations, and, which though since grown 
rich, still refuse to cancel them. '' Honesty is the 
best policy," is a maxim which should be remem- 
bered by States as well as individuals. 

One State, however, may sue another State ; but 
this must be done through the United States courts. 
Suits by a foreign State against any one of the 
United States may also be maintained. The Elev- 
enth Amendment was adopted in 1798. 



THE UNITED STATES. 109 

Article XII. 

Election of President and Vice-President. — The elec- 
tors shall meet in their respective States and vote by 
ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at 
least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with 
themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person 
voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person 
voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall make dis- 
tinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of 
all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the num- 
ber of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and 
certify and transmit sealed to the seat of government of 
the United States, directed to the President of the 
Senate ; the President of the Senate shall, in the 
presence of the Senate and House of Kepresentatives, 
open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be 
counted; the person having the greatest number of 
votes for President shall be the President, if such num- 
ber be a majority of the whole number of electors ap- 
pointed ; and if no person have such majority, then 
from the persons having the highest numbers, not 
exceeding three on the list of those voted for as Presi- 
dent, the House of Eepresentatives shall choose immedi- 
ately, by ballot, the President. 

But in choosing the President, the votes shall be 
taken by States, the representation from each State 
having one vote 5 a quorum for this purpose shall consist 
of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, 
and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a 
choice. And if the House of Kepresentatives shall not 



110 CONSTITUTION OF 

choose a President, wlienever the right of choice shall 
devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next 
following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, 
as in the case of the de^th or other constitutional disa- 
bility of the President. 

The person having the greatest number of votes as 
Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such 
number be a majority of the whole number of electors 
appointed; and if no person have a majority, then from 
the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall 
choose the Vice-President ; a quorum for the purpose 
shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of 
senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be 
necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally 
ineligible to the office of President, shall be eligible to 
that of Vice-President of the United States. 

The Twelfth Amendment changed the manner of 
electing the President and Vice-President described 
in Article II., Section I. 

By the old method, the person who had next to 
the highest number of votes became Vice-President, 
and this person must have been the chief opponent 
of the President. In practice it was found that the 
great mass of voters was generally found in two 
opposing parties, which were nearly equal in power, 
and hence, by the original mode of election, the 
President and Vice-President represented different 
political opinions. The change made by the Twelfth 



THE UNITED STATES. Ill 

Amendment secures a President and Vice-President 
from the same party. This amendment was adopted 
in 1804, and was thus the result of fifteen years ex- 
perience. 

The following explanation will aid the young 
student in understanding what is meant by ^'a ma- 
jority of the whole number of electors appointed." 
There are now 401 presidential electors — one for 
each representative and senator. Suppose their votes 
to be distributed among four candidates as below. 

For President. For President. For President. For President. 
A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H. 

120 115 100 m 

Here no one of the candidates has a majority of 
the whole number of electors. A. B., who received 
the highest number of votes, lacks eighty-one votes 
of a bare majority of the whole number of electors, 
and such a result would throw the election into the 
House of Representatives. Thomas Jefferson, inau- 
gurated in 1801, and John Q. Adams, inaugurated 
in 1825, were elected by the House. These two 
cases, however, were not alike in all particulars. 
Jefferson was elected when the method of choosing 
the President, explained in Article II., Section I., 
was in force ; Adams, when this method had been 
superseded by that of the Twelfth Amendment. The 



112 CONSTITUTION OF 

election was thrown into the House in 1800, because 
Jefferson and Aaron Burr received an equal number 
of electoral votes, and each had a majority of the 
whole. In 1824, the choice of President was re- 
ferred to the House, because no one of the candi- 
dates had a majority of the whole number of elec- 
toral votes. The student will notice that if the 
election by the people, through their electors, fails, 
the House elects the President, l>ecause it more 
closely represents the people ; but under like cir- 
cumstances, the Senate elects the Vice-President, be- 
cause he becomes its president, and the senators 
ought to have a voice in his selection. When, how- 
ever, the President is elected by the House, the 
votes must be taken by States, the representation 
from each State having one vote. The reason for 
this is obvious. The States, as such, must not be 
ignored. When, therefore, a President is elected by 
the House, the representatives from each State first 
vote among themselves, the majority selecting the 
candidate. 

The States are now ready to vote together, the 
one vote of each State being cast for the candidate 
selected by the majority of the representatives from 
the respective States, and the majority of these State 
votes determines who shall be President. The fram- 
ers of the ^Constitution intended that the presiden- 



THE UNITED STATES. 113 

tial electors should use their own judgment m select- 
ing a proper person for President. The existence of 
political parties, however, prevents this. In practice 
the electors make no choice whatever. The candi- 
dates for President and Vice-President are named 
beforehand, and the electors of a party simply vote 
for the men nominated in that party's convention. 
In a presidential election, then, men do not vote 
(directly) for President and Vice-President ; but 
they vote for electors, it being known, however, that 
these electors will, in all probability, vote for certain 
men as President and Vice-President. It is, never- 
theless, possible that the selection must be really 
made by the electors, as, for instance, in case of the 
death of one or more of the candidates before the 
election takes place. In 1872, Horace Greeley, one 
of the candidates for President, cUed before the meet- 
ing of the Electorial College. When this body met 
on the first Wednesday of December, three electors 
from Georgia, who had been chosen to vote for Gree- 
ley, cast their votes for him ; but others gave com- 
plimentary votes to various persons. If General 
Grant had died when Greeley did, the Republican 
electors would have been expected to select the 
President. Additional information upon this sub- 
ject will be found in the Appendix. 



114 CONSTITUTION OF 

Article XIII. (adopted 1868). 
Slavery abolished. — Sec. I. Neither slavery nor in- 
voluntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, 
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall 
exist within the United States, or any place subject to 
their jurisdiction. 

Power of Congress. — Sec. II. Congress shall have 
power to enforce this Article by appropriate legislation. 

The Emancipation Proclamation, issued January 1, 
1863, was not considered sufficient. It did not have 
the legal effect that an amendment to the Constitu- 
tion has. The Thirteenth Amendment was the final 
step in the abolition of slavery. 

Nothing like the second section of this amendment 
appears in any of the others that we have considered. 
The student will notice that like sections are found 
in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. The 
reason for this is found in the fact that the States 
recently in rebellion were known to be hostile to 
these Amendments and might try to resist or evade 
them. There was no disposition on the part of any 
of the States to oppose any of the first twelve amend- 
ments, and hence no such sections were appended to 
them. 

Article XIV. (adopted 1868). 

Citizenship defined. — Sec. I. All persons born or 
naturalized in the United States, and subject to the 



THE UNITED STATES. 115 

jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States 
and of the State wherein they reside. 

Civil Rights. — Xo State shall make or enforce any law 
which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of 
citizens of the United States; nor shall any State de- 
prive any person of life, liberty, or property, without 
due i^rocess of law, nor deny to any person within its 
jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 

This amendment met with the most bitter and 
prolonged opposition. 

Its opening sentence reversed the origin and char- 
acter of American citizenship. 

Before the adoption of the Fourteenth Amend- 
ment, a person was a citizen of the United States 
because he was a citizen of the State in which he 
happened to live. 

Now, a person is a citizen of any State in this 
Union in which he may choose to live, because he is 
a citizen of the United States — because he was born 
or naturalized therein, and is subject to their juris- 
diction. This basis of citizenship is uniform and 
just. All persons who meet equal requirements are 
citizens. The United States, not a State, determine 
who are citizens. So long as the State had the power 
to decide who were, and who were not citizens, there 
could be no fixed basis of citizenship. A person who 



116 CONSTITUTION OF 

was a citizen in one State might not be a citizen in 
another. 

For example : Before the Civil War, negroes 
were citizens in Pennsylvania, but they were not 
citizens in South Carolina. The first sentence of 
the Fourteenth Amendment made the negro a citizen 
both of the United States and of the State in which 
he may live, no matter what State it is. It was sus- 
pected that those States which were known to be 
averse to giving citizenship to the negro might feel 
disposed to enforce severe laws against him, and thus 
try to make him even more miserable than he was 
when a slave. The second sentence of the amend- 
ment prevents this. 

Apportionment of Representatives. — Sec. II. Rej)re- 
sentatives shall be apportioned among the several States, 
according to their respective numbers, counting the whole 
number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not 
taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for 
choice of electors for President and Vice-President of 
the United States, representatives in Congress, the exec- 
utive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of 
the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male in- 
habitants of such State being twenty-one years of age, 
and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, 
except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the 
basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the 
proportion which the number of such male citizens 



THE UNITED STATES. 117 

shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty- 
one years of age in such State. 

To understand this section, the student must bear 
in mind that Section I. of tliis amendment, which 
made the negro a citizen and secured him in his civil 
rights (the right to go where he pleases, to hold 
property, etc.), did not give him the right to vote. 
The State still had power to say who should exercise 
this right. 

But since the negroes were now citizens, they 
should be counted in the basis of representation ; 
though it w^ould be unfair to count them in this basis, 
if they were not allowed to vote. It was very well 
known, however, that the Southern States would 
deny to the negro the right to vote, unless some 
strong inducement were offered for granting it. It 
is therefore declared in Section II. that the negro 
(the word is not used, but it is he who is meant) 
must not be included in the basis of representation 
until he is allowed to vote. By a provision of Article 
I., Section IL, before explained, the people of the 
South were permitted to count three-fifths of their 
slaves, but now they had no slaves. 

If, then, they denied to the negro the right to 
vote, their number of representatives would be 
greatly reduced, and their power would be dimin- 
ished in the same ratio. 



118 CONSTITUTION OF 

The Fourteenth Amendment does not positively 
declare that a State must not deny to the negro the 
right to vote, but the student will see that the denial 
carried with it a heavy penalty. 

Political Disabilities. — Sec. III. No person shall be a 
senator or representative in Congress, or elector of 
President or Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or 
military, under the United States or under any State, 
who, having previously taken an oath as a member of 
Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a 
member of any State legislature, or as an executive or 
judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution 
of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection 
or rebellion against the same or given aid or comfort to 
the enemies thereof, but Congress may, by a vote of two- 
thirds of each house, remove such disability. 

The mass of those who engaged in the Rebellion 
against the National Government were pardoned as 
soon as they laid down their arms. But the leaders, 
men who at any time occupied any of the positions 
named in this section, were more guilty than they 
who simply followed them ; and they were to T)e 
more sternly dealt with. 

Only by a vote of two-thirds of each House, could 
these men be again permitted to hold or enjoy any 
office or position of honor, profit, or trust, under the 
United States or any State. Before such a vote 



THE UNITED STATES. 119 

could be secured, Congress would have to be con- 
vinced of their good intentions. 

Congress has, indeed, been very lenient, havmg, 
in nearly every case, removed the disabilities. 

Public Debt. -S^c. IV. The validity o£ the public 
debt of the United States authorized by law, mcludmg 
debts incurred for payment of pensions, and bounties for 
services in suppressing insurrection or rebelhou, shall 
not be questioned. But neither the United States, nor 
any State, shall assume or pay any debt or obligation 
incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the 
United States, or any claim for the loss or eiuancipation 
of any slave ; but all such debts, obligations and claims 
shall be held illegal and void. 

This section is so plain that explanation is un- 
necessary. 

Poroer of Congress. - S^c. V. Congress shall have 
power to enforce this Article by appropriate legislation. 

Ample opportunity was given to exercise the au- 
thority herein granted. 

To protect life and property, and to prevent law- 
lessness and crime, Congress was obliged to resort to 
the extreme measure of placing the Southern States 
under military rule. 



120 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Article XV. (adopted 1870). 

Elective Franchise. — Sec. I. The right of citizens of 
the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged 
by the United States, or by any State, on account of 
race, color, or previous condition of servitude. 

Poiver of Congress. — Sec. II. The Congress shall 
have power to enforce this Article by appropriate legis- 
lation. 

The Thirteenth Amendment gave the negro his 
freedom ; the Fourteenth, among other things, made 
him a citizen and secured to him his civil rights ; 
and the last amendment to the Constitution gave 
him, practically speaking, the right of suffrage — the 
right to vote. The Fifteenth Amendment does not 
absolutely give to the negro the right to vote, but 
it does shield him from unjust discrimination with 
respect to this matter. 

Each State for itself, not the United States, de- 
termines what qualifications shall be demanded of its 
voters. If the negro can meet the conditions re- 
quired of other men (excepting those relating to 
race, color, or previous condition of servitude), then 
he, too, has the right to vote. 

It is well to remember that the right to vote 
carries with it the right to hold office. 



APPENDIX. 



The books named below are well adapted to the pur- 
pose of supplementary reading on history. Incomplete 
as the list is, it is given in the hope that it may be of 
some assistance to teachers and superintendents. 

All the books in this list can be used in the grammar 
grades. 

Published by Ginn & Co., Boston. 

"Washington and His Country. By John Fiske. 75 cents. 

This is Irving's Life of Washington abridged for the use of schools, 
with introduction and continuation, giving a brief outline of United 
States History from the discovery of America to the close of the Civil 
War. 

Pilgrims and Puritans. By Miss N". Moore. 60 cents. 

This is a book of easy reading for children who have not yet begun, 
or are just beginning the study of United States History. It is illus- 
trated with maps and pictures. 

The Leading Facts of English History. By D. H. Mont- 
gomery. $1.12. 

The student will find in this book just what he needs to make clearer 
the history of his own country. 

The Life of Benjamin Franklin. This consists of Frank- 
lin's life -written by himself down to 1757, with notes, maps, 
and a continuation of his life by D. H. Montgomery. 40 cents. 

Next to the life of Washington no book throws greater light on the 
early history of the country and the period of the Revolution with the 
events following it. 



122 appendix. 

Published by Lee & Shepakd, Boston. 

Young Folks' History of the United States. By T. W. 

Higginson. $1.20. 

Stories of American History. By N. S. Dodge. 50 cents. 
Cheaper edition, 30 cents. 

The Story of Our Country. By Mrs. Lewis B. Monroe. 
80 cents. 

Published by Charles Scribner's Sons, N.Y. 

Children's Stories in American History. 
Children's Stories in American Progress. 

By Henrietta Christian Wright. $1.50 each. 
The Making of the Great "West. 
The Making of New England. 

By Samuel Adams Drake. $1.50 each. 

Published by Harper & Brothers, N.Y. 

Old Times in the Colonies. 
The Boys of '76. 
Building the Nation. 
The Drum-Beat of the Nation. 
By C. C. Coffin. |3.00. 

Published by the Interstate Publishing Com- 
pany, Boston. 

Pioneers of the New World. 
First Explorers of North America. 
Southern Explorers and Colonists. 

By Joseph Banvard. 75 cents each. 
Historical Readers. By Arthur Gihnan. 
No. 1. The Discovery and Exploration of America. 36 cents. 
No. 2. The Colonization of America. 48 cents. 
No. 3. The Making: of the American Nation. 60 cents. 



APPENDIX. 



123 



Presidents of the United States. 



Year of 
Qualifica- 
tion. 


No. 


Name. 


Where 
From. 


Term of Office. 


1789 


1 


George Washington . . 


Ya. 


8 years. 


1797 


2 


John Adams .... 


Mass. 


4 years. 


1801 


3 


Thomas Jefferson . . 


Va. 


8 years. 


1809 


4 


James Madison . . . 


Va. 


8 years, 


1817 


5 


James Monroe .... 


Va. 


8 years. 


1825 


6 


John Quincy Adams . . 


Mass. 


4 years. 


1829 


7 


Andrew Jackson . . . 


Tenn. 


8 years. 


1837 


8 


Martin Van Buren . . 


N.Y. 


4 years. 


1841 


9 


William Henry Harrison 


Ohio 


1 month. 


1841 


10 


John Tyler 


Va. 


3 yrs. 11m. 


1845 


11 


James Knox Polk . . 


Tenn. 


4 years. 


1849 


12 


Zachary Tavlor . . . 


La. 


1 y. 4 m. 5 d. 


1850 


13 


Millard Fillmore . . . 


N.Y. 


2 y. 7 m. 26 d. 


1853 


14 


Franklin Pierce . . . 


N.H. 


4 years. 


1857 


15 


James Buchanan . . . 


Pa. 


4 years. 


1861 


16 


Abraham Lincoln . . . 


111. 


4 y. 1 m. 10 d. 


1865 


17 


Andrew Johnson . . . 


Tenn. 


3 y. 10 m. 20 d. 


1869 


18 


Ulysses S. Grant . . . 


111. 


8 years. 


1877 


19 


Rutherford -B. Hayes . 


Ohio 


4 years. 


1881 


20 


James A. Garfield . . 


Ohio 


6 m. 15 d. 


1881 


21 


Chester A. Arthur . . 


NY. 


3 y. 5 m. 15 d. 


1885 


22 


S. Grover Cleveland . . 


N.Y. 





Numbers 9 and 12 died in office from sickness. Numbers 16 
and 20 were assassinated. Numbers 10, 13, 17, and 21 were 
elected Vice-President, and succeeded to the Presidency. Num- 
bers 12 and 19 w^ere inaugurated on the 5th of March, because 
the 4th fell upon Sunday ; this also occurred on the second terms 
of 1 and 5. 



The student should not be required to memorize many- 
dates. A few of the greatest importance^ thorouglily com- 



124 APPENDIX. 

mitted to memory, are sufficient. It will be to the 
student's advantage to make himself familiar with the 
following. These will form a nucleus around which 
other dates will naturally cluster, 

1492 Hispaniola, one of the West Indies, dis- 
covered by Columbus, 

1607 Jamestown settled by the London Com- 
pany. 

1619 Negro slavery introduced in Virginia. 

1620 Landing of tlie Pilgrims at Plymouth. 

1754-1763 French and Indian War. 

1765 ...,.,, Parliament passed the Stamp Act. 

1775 (April 19th) , . Battle of Lexington. 

1776 (July 4th) . , , Declaration of Independence, 

1777 (October 17th) . Burgoyne surrendered, 

1778 (February 6th) . France acknowledged the independence 

of the United States. 
1781 (October 19th) . Cornwallis surrendered, 
1783 Treaty of peace signed between Great 

Britain and the United States. 

1803 Louisiana bought of Napoleon. 

1812-1814 Second war with Great Britain. 

1820 Missouri Compromise. 

1846-1848 War with Mexico. 

1850 Henry Clay's Omnibus Bill. 

1860 Abraham Lincoln elected President. 

1861 Southern Confederacy formed. 

1863 (January 1st) , . Emancipation Proclamation. 

1863 (July 1st, 2d, 3d) Battle of Gettysburg. 

1865 (April 9th) . . . Lee's surrender. 

1865 (April 14th) . . President Lincoln assassinated. 

1881 (July 2d) . , , President Garfield sliot and mortally 

wounded by Charles J. Guiteau. 



APPENDIX. 



125 



Electoral and Popular Vote for President, 

1884. 





Electoral 
Vote. 


PopxJLAR Vote. 


States. 


i 




a 


a 




a 






■is 


II 


t. Job 
Pro. 
utler, 
Gbk. 


13 


a 
*3 


1-5 


1 
a 




'Jl 


n 


^ ,« 





5 


M 


n 


Alabama .... 


10 




... 


93,030 


59,588 


610 


762 


Arkansas . . . 


7 


... 


... 


72,927 


50,860 


... 


1,847 


California . . . 




8 


... ... 


88,307 


100,816 


2,640 


1,975 


Colorado .... 


... 


3 






27,627 


36,277 


761 


1,958 


Connecticut . . 


6 


... 






67,167 


65,893 


2,489 


1,684 


Delaware . . . 


3 




... 




16,976 


13,053 


74 


10 


Florida .... 


4 






... 


31,769 


28,031 


74 




Georgia .... 


12 




... 




94,567 


47,964 


184 


125 


Illinois 


... 


22 






312,421 


337,502 


12,074 


10,907 


Indiana .... 


15 


... 


... 




244,992 


238,480 


3,018 


8,716 


Iowa 




13 






178,557 


197,124 


1,472 


... 


Kansas .... 




9 






90,132 


154,406 


4,495 


16,346 


Kentucky . . . 


13 


... 






152,758 


118,674 


3,106 


1,656 


Louisiana . . . 


8 




... 




62,546 


46,347 


338 


120 


Maine 




*6 





51,656 


71,716 


2,143 


3,994 


Maryland . . . 


8 




... 




96,932 


85,699 


2,7<)4 


531 


Massachusetts . 


... 


14 


... 


... 


122,352 


146,724 


9,923 


24,382 


Michigan . . . 


... 


13 


... 


... 


189,361 


192,669 


18,403 


763 


Minnesota . . . 


... 


7 


... 


... 


70,065 


111,685 


4,684 


3,583 


Mississippi . . . 


9 








76,510 


43,509 


... 




Missouri .... 


16 


... 






235,988 


202,929 


2,153 


... 


Nebraska . . . 


... 


5 




... 


54,391 


76,912 


2,899 


... 


Nevada .... 


... 


3 






5,577 


7,193 




26 


New Hampshire 




4 






39,192 


43,249 


1,575 


552 


New Jersey . . 


"9 


... 


... 




127,785 


123,370 


6,155 


3,494 


New York . . . 


36 


... 


... 




563,154 


562,005 


25,006 


17,004 


North Carolina 


11 


... 


... 


... 


342,928 


125,068 


448 




Ohio 




23 


... 


... 


368,280 


400,082 


11,269 


5,170 


Oregon . . . . 




3 




... 


24,604 


26,860 


521 


767 


Pennsylvania . 


... 


30 


... 


... 


392,785 


473,804 


15,737 


17,002 


Rhode Island . 


... 


4 


... 


... 


12,391 


19,030 


928 


422 


South Carolina 


9 




... 


... 


69,890 


21,733 


... 


... 


Tennessee . . . 


12 




... 


... 


133,270 


124,090 


1,151 


957 


Texas 


13 




... 


... 


223,208 


88,353 


3,511 


3,321 


Vermont . . . . 




"4 


... 


... 


17,331 


39,514 


1,752 


785 


Virginia . . . . 


12 


... 


... 


... 


145,497 


139,356 


182 




West Virginia . 


6 


... 


... 


... 


67,317 


63,096 


939 


'sic 


Wisconsin . . . 


219 


11 
182 


... 


... 


146,459 


161,157 


7,656 


4,598 


Total . . . 


... 


4,910,799 


4,844,848 


150,820 


134,262 



126 A.PPENDIX. 

An examination of the above table shows that neither 
St. John nor Butler obtained a single electoral vote. The 
real contest was between Blaine and Cleveland. The table 
shows that the Democratic plurality (the excess of votes 
cast for one individual over those cast for any one of 
several competing candidates) in Alabama was 33,442. 
This gave the vote of all the electors, to which the State 
was entitled, to Cleveland. In the State of New York, 
the Democratic plurality was only 1149, yet this gave 
jSTew York's thirty-six electoral votes to Cleveland. 
Blaine's plurality in Pennsylvania was 81,019, thus secur- 
ing to him the electoral vote of the State. If his plural- 
ity in the State had been but one, the result would have 
been the same — he would have received Pennsylvania's 
thirty electoral votes. 

The student will now see that the plurality of the pop- 
ular vote in a State decides how the electoral vote of 
that State shall be cast, and a majority (more than half 
the whole number of votes cast) of the electoral votes, 
determines who shall be President. In the end it was 
found that Mr. Cleveland had 219 electoral votes, and 
Mr. Blaine had 182. 

Cleveland was, therefore, declared elected. Since the 
total number of electoral votes was 401, it is plain that 
201 votes was the smallest possible number by which 
any one could have been elected. 

The table shows that Cleveland not only had a major- 
ity of the electoral votes, but he also had a plurality of 
65,951 in the total popular vote. It is possible, however, 
for a man to become President without a plurality of 
the popular vote. If, for example, Mr. Cleveland had 



APPENDIX, 



127 



carried his States by smaller pluralities, tlie plurality of 
the entire popular vote might have been throAvn to Mr. 
Blaine, though the electoral vote and the final result 
would have remained unchanged. When a President 
does not receive a majority of the popular vote, he is 
called a minority President. 

We have already had several such Presidents. 

The following classes of persons were excluded from 
the benefits of the Amnesty Proclamation of May 29th, 
1865. They are not to be committed to memory. 

First, " AH diplomatic ofiicers and foreign agents of the 
Confederate Government." 

Secondly, '^ All who left judicial stations under the 
United States to aid the Eebellion." 

TJiirdly, "All military and naval officers of the Con- 
federacy above the rank of colonel in the army or lieu- 
tenant in the navy." 

Fourthly, " All who left seats in the Congress of the 
United States to join the Rebellion." 

Fifthly, "All who resigned, or tendered resignation, 
in the army or navy of the United States, to evade duty 
in resisting the Rebellion." 

Sixthly, "All who have been engaged in treating other- 
wise than as lawful prisoners of war, persons found in 
the United States service as officers, soldiers, or seamen." 



128 APPENDIX. 

Seventhly^ " All persons who have been, or are, absen- 
tees from the United States for the purpose of aiding 
the Eebellion." 

Eighthly, "All officers in the rebel service who have 
been educated at the United States Military or Naval 
Academy." 

Ninthly^ "All men who held the pretended offices of 
governors of States in insurrection against the United 
States." 

Tenthly, "All persons who left their homes within the 
jurisdiction and protection of the United States, and 
passed beyond the Federal military lines into the pre- 
tended Confederate States for the purpose of aiding the 
Kebellion." 

Eleventhly, "All persons who have been engaged in 
the destruction of the commerce of the United States 
upon the high seas, and all persons who have been en- 
gaged in destroying the commerce of the United States 
upon the lakes and rivers that separate the British Prov- 
inces from the United States." 

Twelfthly, "All persons who, at the time when they 
seek to obtain amnesty and pardon, are in military, 
naval, or civil confinement, as prisoners of war, or per- 
sons detained for offences of any kind either before or 
after conviction." 

Thirteenthly, "All participants in the Eebellion, the 
estimated value of whose taxable property is over twenty 
thousand dollars." 



APPENDIX. 



129 



It was believed that men whose taxable property ex- 
ceeded twenty thousand dollars, must have been men of 
influence, and were, therefore, those who led their neigh- 
bors into the Eebellion. The student will readily see 
the reasons for the other exceptions. 

The following salaries are attached to the positions 
under the United States Government named below : — 

President of the United States $50,000 and official residence. 

Chief Justice 10,500 

Associate Justice 10,000 

Vice-President 8,000 

Speaker of the House . . . 8,000 

Cabinet Officers 8,000 

Senators 5,000 and travelling expenses. 

Representatives 5,000 and travelling expenses. 

The pox)ulation of the United States as reported by 
the decennial censuses has been as follows : — 



Years. 


Population. 


Years. 


Population. 


1790 . . 


. 3,929,214 


1840 . 


. 17,069,453 


1800 . . 


. 5,308,483 


1850 . 


. 23,191,876 


1810 . . 


. 7,239,881 


1860 . 


. 31,443,321 


1820 . . 


. 9,633,822 


1870 . 


. 38,558,371 


1830 . . 


. 12,866,020 


1880 . 


. . 52,152,866 



The student Avill see that our population has been 
doubled every twenty-five years. 



130 APPENDIX. 



Sovereigns of England, 

FROM THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA TO THE PRESENT TLME. 

Name of Sovereign. Length of Reign. 

Henry VII 1485-1509 

Henry VIII 1509-1547 

Edward VI 1547-1553 

Queen Mary 1553-1558 

Queen Elizabeth 1558-1603 

James 1 1603-1625 

Charles 1 1625-1649 

Oliver Cromwell i 1649-1660 

Charles II 1660-1685 

James II 1685-1689 

William III. and Mary II 1689-1702 

Queen Anne 1702-1714 

George 1 1714-1727 

George II 1727-1760 

George III 1760-1811 

Prince of Wales (regency) 1811-1820 

George IV 1820-1830 

William IV 1830-1837 

Queen Victoria 1837-. 

1 Protector or President of the Republic. 



'66 

Washington and His Country. 

By Washington Irving and John Fiske. 654 pages, including 13 
maps. 12mo. Cloth. Mailing price, .^1.10 ; for introduction, Sl.OO. 
QUESTIONS, prepared to facilitate the use of the work as a text-book 
of United States history will be published in April. 

fT^HIS consists of Irving's Life of Washington, judiciously abridged 
by John Fiske, and supplemented with an Introduction and a 
Continuation by Mr. Fiske that make the work in effect a His- 
tory of the United States. It is anticipated that this History 
will be cordially welcomed and will exert a great influence upon 
present methods and courses of study. It will be found to com- 
bine many peculiar excellences. 

1 . History is taught through biography. This secures the great- 
est interest, unity, and clearness, and, at the same time, the greatest 
moral value. 

2. The history is presented in a readable outline. The salient 
points are fully and vividly set forth, and cannot fail to impress 
the memory and the imagination. 

3. The pupil has before him in this book the thought and lan- 
guage of an acknowledged master of English. 

4. The abridging and the supplementing have been done by one 
exceptionally competent. The Introduction and the Continuation 
are masterly sketches, unequalled by anything hitherto published. 

Thus, w^hile acquiring a knowledge of facts and events, the pupil 
is gaining a love for history and literatui'e, moulding his diction by 
a classic author, and ennobling his character by contemplating one 
of the grandest types of humanity. There will be less of mechani- 
cal study and more of the real, less committing to memory of 
trivial facts, and a firmer grasp of the important ones. 

W. E. Buck, Siipt. of Schools, \ for years. I recommend it right and 
Mroichester, N.H. : I cannot think j left Avithout reserve, 
of another book so desirable for col- 
lateral reading by pupils studying 
history in the common schools. 

E. H. Russell, Prin. of Normal 
School, Worcester, 3Iass. : I have 
ordered a supply for class use. It 
seems to me the most noteworthy 



Thomas M. Balliet, Suj^t. of 
Schools, Spriufifield, Mass. : It can 
be used as a text-book on U. S. 
History; and as a book for supple- 
mentary reading on the subject, I 
don't know of anything else equal 
to it. 



book that has appeared in this field i (Jan. 20, 1888.) 



34 



S. T. Button, Siipt. of Schools, 
Neio Haven, Ct. : One of the greatest 
of Irving' s works, it is indeed a clas- 
sic, and this handy edition judi- 
ciously condensed and extended will 
rank as one of the best school histo- 
ries and one of the most suitable 
reading-books in the market. 

J. A. Graves, Prin. of South 
School, Hartforcl, Ct.: We feel sure 
that it will be a valuable and impor- 
tant addition to the list of books for 
supplementary work in history. 

Albert C. Perkins, Prin. of Adel- 
phi Acctd., Brooklyn, N.Y. : As a 
book to keep within reach of classes 
in American history it seems to me 
excellent. Indeed, if used as a text- 
book in that branch, I believe it must 
bring the best results in impressing 
on the minds of pupils a sense of the 
spirit and genius of our history as 
well as the leading facts of it, 

Henry P. Emerson, Prin. of High 
School, Buffalo, N.Y. : Uniting the 
grace of Irving with the strength of 
Fiske is a good thought. 

F. B. Palmer, Prin. of State Nor- 
mal School, Fredonia, N. Y. : I should 
think the work of abridgment ad- 
mirably done and the additions judi- 
cious, and heartily welcome the work 
as likely to revive interest in one 
of our best authors and one of the 
noblest themes that can be placed 
before the young. {Dec 22, 1887.) 

E. T. Tomlinson, Headmaster of 

Btitgers Coll. Gram. School, New 
Brunsicick, N.J. : To my mind it 
will prove a valuable book for school 
purposes. {Jan. 3, 1888.) 

0. D. Robinson, Prin. of High 
School, Albany, N.Y. : I believe that 
it is admirable in every respect for 
the objects which the author had in 
view when preparing it. It is his- 



tory, biography, and literature of the 
very best, all combined. 

John G. Wright, Prin. of Unioti 
School, Cooper stolen, N.Y.: It is the 
happiest thought yet in the way of 
an abridged history. {Dec. 20, 1887.) 

C. B. Wood, Prin. of High School, 
Pittsburgh, Pa. : The book is a gem. 
I have placed it in the hands of the 
teacher of history, and recommended 
it as a book of reference. 

E. C. Delano, Ass't Svpt. of Schools, 
Chicago, III. : It is a charming book, 
well fitted for historical and supple- 
mentary reading in the advanced 
grades of our public schools. 

Lewis H. Jones, Supt. of Public 
Schools, Indianapolis, Ind. : It seems 
to be admirably adapted to secure 
two of the most important aims that 
are ever reached in historical teach- 
ing — love of country and love of 
good historical reading. 

0. T. Bright, Supt. of Public 
Schools, Englewood, III. : It seems 
to me very valuable as an adjunct in 
teaching United States history. I 
have seen no other book to compare 
with it in value as supplementary to 
the study named, {Jan. 23, 1888.) 

J. B. Young, Supt. of Public 
Schools, Davenport, la. : It sets forth 
in a simple and captivating style all 
the important facts of our country's 
history, without burdening its pages 
or the mind with valueless detail 
wherever it is used. {Feb. 2, 1888.) 

E. Stanley, Supt. of Public Schools, 
Lawrence, Kan. : It is a volume of 
remarkable merit, written in an ad- 
mirable style, full of interest, and 
attractive beyond ordinary books. 

F. M. Draper, Supt. of Public 
Schools, Atchison, Kan.: Something 
must be done to correct the faulty 
methods of teaching history. I be- 
lieve this a step in that direction. 



124 POLITICAL SCIENCE. 

Our Government: 

How it Grew; What it Does; and How it Does it. 

By Jesse ;Macy, Professor of History and Political Science in Iowa 
College. 12mo. Cloth. 250 pages. Mailing Price, 78 cents; for intro- 
duction, 70 cents. Allowance for an old book, 25 cents. 

rpHIS work aims to give a clear view of all our governmental 
institutions, and their relations to one another. It is chiefly 
pecnliar in its way of doing this. The historical method is fol- 
lowed, and the grow^th of our institutions is briefly traced from 
" old Schleswick in Denmark," — where our ancestors lived in free 
towns and villages; through England, — where wars and violence 
resulted in kings and lords, and where the old free institutions of 
town and shire gave birth to a free Parliament; to America, — 
w^here the same institutions, transplanted and preserved, Avere 
finally united into free commonwealths, and the commonwealths 
into a national Republic. 

This is the only book that "covers the ground," explaining our 
really complex system of political institutions. 

In treating of Our Government, attention is first called to local 
matters that can be explained and understood most readily. 
" Constittitions " come last, and are then fully explained. 

The style is remarkably fresh, simple, and clear. The desidera- 
tum of text-book style — that the subject itself be made interesting 
— is here met. 

Summaries and suggestions, with helpful questions, are given to 
assist in the thorough mastery of the subject. 

The success of Our Government has been signal and immediate. 
Within four months of the date of publication, it was indorsed by 
the representatives of 57 Colleges, 24 Normal Schools, 113 High 
Schools and Academies, and 114 cities and tow^ns. All these are 
leading educators, and the recommendations were exceptionally 
cordial. Only specimen opinions need be quoted here. 

H. C. Adams, Prof, of Political \ from what is known to what is un- 
Economy in University of Michigan /known. Teachers in our common 
and Cornell University: I am free : schools and normal institutes will 
to say that I believe the book will find it of great assistance in giving 
prove a great success. It goes to ; instruction upon the American gov- 
work in the right way, proceeding ernment. 



POLITICAL SCIENCE. 



125 



A. D. Morse, Prof, of History and 
Political Economy in Amherst Col- 
lege : I think it will prove highly 
useful. Everything in it is intelli- 
gible to school children, and impor- 
tant for them to know. Many adult 
citizens are very imperfectly ac- 
quainted with the structure and 
working of our somewhat complex 
government, because we have lacked 
hitherto such a text-book. 

J. B. Clark, Prof, of History and 
Political /Science in Smith College, 
end Lecturer on Political Economy 
in Amherst College : The topics 
treated are those needing to be dis- 
cussed with elementary classes in 
political science, and the mode of de- 
scribing institutions by briefly trac- 
ing their origin and development is 
especially to be valued. 

S.W. Mason, Supervisor of Schools, 
Boston : It is an excellent book, and 
I hope it will have the extensive cir- 
culation it so richly deserves. 

E. H. Russell, Prin. of State Nor- 
mal School, Worcester, 3Iass.: It 
seems to me to be made upon the 
right plan, and the treatment of the 
subject is unusually interesting and 
suggestive. 

A. B. Watkins, Ass't Sec'y Univer- 
sity of Neio York: It is certainly 
very philosophical, and at the same 
time very simple. 

James MacAlister, Siqjt. of 
Schools, Philadelphia : An admir- 
able little book. 

S. A, Ellis, SiqH. of Schools, Roch- 
ester, N.Y.: The only book on civil 
government that is not simi^ly an 
analysis of the constitution. 

C. B. "Wood, Prin. of Central High 
School, Pittsburg, Pa.: It appears 
to be just the fit for our course. 



Thomas M. Balliet, Supt. oj 
Schools, Reading, Pa. : It treats the 
subject in a novel and most attrac- 
tive way. It will be an admirable 
text-book for our grammar schools. 

Ilichar(f T. Ely, Assoc. Prof, of 
Politiccd Economy, Johns Hopkins 
University : Beyond all comparison 
the best work on the subject. 

R. Bingham, Prin. of Bingham 
High School, N.C. : It is capital. 

B. M. Zettler, Supt. of Schools, 
Macon, Ga. : The subject ought to 
be taught in our schools, and this is 
an excellent book from which to 
teach it. 

W. M. Cro-w, Su2)t. of Schools, Gal- 
veston., Tex. : The most original and 
practical text-book yet issued on this 
important subject. 

L. C. Hull, Pri7i. of High School, 
Detroit, Mich.: I have examined it 
with care, and with real pleasure. It 
is surely the best text-book of the 
kind that has been prepared for use 
in our schools. 

A. D. Wharton, Prin. of High 
School, Nashville, Tenn.: It is an 
exceedingly attractive book, and I 
think ought to be introduced in every 
high school and academy. 

I. J. Manatt, Chancellor of Univer^ 
sity of Nebraska : A live book by a 
practical man on a vital subject, ad- 
mirable alike in matter, method, and 
spirit. 

John Swett, Prin. of Girls' High 

and Normal Schools, San Francisco : 
A delightful book. It is just what 
we want. 

The Nation, A'ezo York: The book, 
in its plan and its details, deserves 
high commendation, and ought to 
come largely into use in our schools. 



